Lagos — Ebitimi Banigo, former minister of science and technology had a rough experience with President Olusegun Obasanjo. After getting over the shock of not being given a portfolio that matched his qualification as a banker, he settled down to make the best of the science and technology ministry allotted to him.

He was fully conscious of his limitations in this area, and so prepared to make it work. His strategy was to scout for people with ideas that could help him do his job better.

Obsessed with total technological transformation for the country, the minister, on a trip to the United States of America, USA, in March this year met with Thomas Emeagwali, the Nigerian-born computer whiz kid who is making waves in the world of information technology, discussing with him, over several nights how Nigeria could benefit from his wealth of experience and connections in that field.

By the time he had left Maryland, the base of Emeagwali, he had persuaded Emeagwali to visit Nigeria. On Banigo's return, he spoke with the president about this agreement with Emeagwali and together, they agreed that Banigo should present a memo and a proposal for approval as soon as possible. Banigo prepared the two documents and promptly dropped them at Aso Rock Presidential Villa and then awaited the president's directives.

When it didn't come early enough, he went back a week later to check with the president if his papers have been approved. To his consternation, he found out that the president had changed his mind. Obasanjo told him that he had discussed the contents of Banigo's papers with another minister who suggested that the matter be kept in view for the moment.

Banigo could hardly believe his ears. He tried to convince the president that there was no time to waste as Nigeria's future in information technology depended on the papers. But rather than be convinced, the president asked whether or not he had a personal interest in the matter. A flustered Banigo was shocked at the question. Speechless, he left the presidential villa, for his office where he dated his copy of the resignation letter each minister was made to sign on assumption of duty and sent it back to the president, becoming the first minister to resign voluntarily.

But Phil Agbasi was not given that option. He was appointed liaison officer to the senate after former senate president Chuba Okadigbo complained that he and his colleagues were finding it difficult to work with Kashim Ibrahim Imam his predecessor. Given that background, Agbasi tried his best to secure the confidence of the president. He often complained to his colleagues that he felt the president did not like him. At different times, he wanted to quit the post but was assured that once he won the confidence of the president, he would enjoy working with him.

He held on. His moment of proof came when the National Assembly was going to throw away the president's inputs into the Niger-Delta Development Commission, NDDC bill. Having lost in the Lower House, the adviser proposed a three-point plan that would force the house to be divided so that the president can now lobby and have his way.

Sensing the urgency of getting the president's assent to such a proposal, he drove to the presidential villa with a short memo. He was lucky to see the president in the office. He quickly discussed his mission and dropped the proposal on his table to wait in the adjoining conference room for his final approval.

After what he thought was a reasonable waiting time, he went back to the president's office. Obasanjo lifted his eyes from the paper he was poring through, and seeing Agbasi he shouted at him saying - "what do you want?" The officer told him he had come to get feedback on the proposal so that he can put to work the approval before the senate met that afternoon.

Obasanjo was so furious he flung his file at him. He was overheard shouting at Agbasi: "You just brought this file and you want me to stop all that I am doing and attend to you. Oya, see your file, take your file. Take your file and go." Efforts by Agbasi to convince the president that he meant well fell on deaf ears. He left the villa hurt and frustrated not knowing whether to return to his post as adviser to Dubem Onyia, the minister of state for foreign affairs or to go back to the senate as liaison officer. He did not see the president again until Okadigbo was removed and Imam was re-appointed to his former post.

As some Aso Rock insiders believe, the two examples are pointers that the president cannot be rushed to do anything. He has to have personal conviction on anything that bears his signature. Newswatch gathered that those who wish to work with the president must have a dose of patience and lady luck on their side. Depending on his mood, President Obasanjo could be a difficult or an amiable boss to his aides. Those who deal with him daily say they have to weigh his moods from the time he walks to his office on the first floor of the Aso Rock Presidential Villa up to the time he leaves. If by seeing him, he is perceived to be in good mood, then you can push a proposal to him without much ado and perhaps, if his mood does not change before he finished reading it, as it often does, you could get an approval.

But if he is in a bad mood, it is futile, even dangerous to confront him. At council meetings, President Obasanjo is known to hurl angry words at his ministers. Sani Zangon Daura, former minister of agriculture, had been known to stand up to the president on a number of occasions telling him he did not beg him for a job. Daura is noted to be one of the few ministers who could talk to the president eyeball to eyeball.

Iyorchia Ayu, former minister of industry is another. On one occasion, Ayu changed the mood at a federal executive council, FEC meeting when he spent over thirty minutes arguing with the president on the unconstitutionality of selling the Benue Cement Company, BCC to Dangote Industries Limited. Ayu had argued that DIL had no capacity to salvage the company and that the privatisation council had not recommended the company. But Obasanjo, who apparently had been convinced by Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the chairman of that council, had made up his mind. For thirty minutes, Ayu was on his feet exchanging words with the president. The president had his way, and came out to defend his decision.

Indeed, a few weeks after, Ayu took ill and was on admission at the National Hospital Abuja when his resignation was announced over the radio. For Ayu, it did not come as total shock except for the timing. Stella, the president's wife had just visited Ayu's bedside trying to cheer him up. It appeared that Stella had no inkling what her husband was about to do when she went to the hospital.

According to most of his ministers, there is a thin line between the president's penchant for anger and his capacity to crack jokes. The mood of the president may be determined by what happened during family devotion. This starts at 6.30 a.m. everyday usually with Jerry Gana, his minister for information and national orientation in attendance. Others who attend this ritual include his wife, members of his family when they are around, sometimes a minister from his local Baptist Church and his personal aides.

After morning prayers, the president takes a light breakfast before heading for the office. For the president, official duties begin at 7.30 a.m. either in front of his desk at the office or with breakfast meetings in his official residence. Once in his office, he treats files on his table and attends to visitors who are on scheduled appointments. Others who are not on schedule have to be cleared by Abdullahi Mohammed, the chief of staff to the president. But because the president hates keeping out people who request for audience with him, they often also abuse his generosity by clustering round his two waiting rooms.

Recently, Mohammed was forced to do something about that. On August 31, he issued a four-paragraph memo to Ufot Ekaette, the secretary to the government of the federation, SGF to warn government officials to desist from violating "holding procedures" on seeing the president.

He noted that rather than wait in the president's waiting room downstairs, visitors often loiter around his two waiting rooms chattering noisily. He wrote: "This is unhealthy and a disrespect for the exalted office of the president and therefore unacceptable." He announced that the conference room would remain locked and that visitors would be compelled to use the VIP waiting room on the ground floor where they are to remain seated until called up on the orders of the president. On September 19, S. A. Ogunniyi, special assistant to the COS wrote to all concerned to abide by the new regulation.

Apart from receiving local visitors, the president's day also involves attending to official engagements outside the villa. These may involve the opening or closing of seminars and conferences usually at the conference centre, the women centre or any of the hotels in Abuja. The president sometimes receives his visitors at the presidential wing of the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport. Depending on the duration of such visits, usually by foreign heads of states and United Nations top shots, the president may choose to drive in with his visitors or stay on and hold bilateral talks using the airport's facilities.

After the day's work is over, which is mostly far into the evening, the president retires to a sumptuous dinner. His best food being pounded yam and egusi soup with assorted meat. He eats his meal like a soldier, not having time for niceties and more often in company of his closest aides and invitees. Depending on the way he feels, the president may retire to bed as early as 8.00 o'clock and wake up at midnight to play squash, the game he has learnt to play as a soldier.

President Obasanjo's most regular squash partners are said to be his aide-de- camp who is a keen squash player or one Gbenga who heads the gym at the villa. But occasionally, the president plays with Solomon Ewuga, the minister of state for the federal capital territory and Aminu Wali, his special adviser on national assembly matters and a man with whom it is believed he consults regularly on matters affecting the northern part of the country.

In most of his actions, the president still allows the soldier in him to override his actions. Close aides say that it would take time for the president to get over this, having spent over 30 years in a command structure. He is used to being obeyed without questions. But aides claim he is willing to learn and that weighed against his training and background, his other credentials as a democrat are highly commendable. Doyin Okupe, his special assistant on media and publicity vows that the president consults with a wide range of people both within and outside his cabinet before arriving at decisions.

During such consultations, the president hardly talks preferring to be a good listener except to those who may use the opportunity to make what Okupe termed "outrageous suggestions." Apart from seeking expert advice on technical things, the president has members of a kitchen cabinet. They include his chief of staff, the national security adviser Mohammed Gusau, whom he interacts with daily. On this list is Gana, whose calling as an Anglican lay preacher endears him to the president. He also consults with Vice-President Atiku Abubakar on a number of issues.

Close observers have identified Tony Anenih, the minister of works and housing as the man who makes the best impression on the president. Anenih executes most of the president's plans without asking questions and for this reason he has been nicknamed 'Mr. Fix-it' by people outside government circles. He is one of the few ministers who could see the president without a formal appointment and at any time of the day or night. The other person being Jubril Martins-Kuye, the minister of state for finance and J. O. Sanusi, the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN. The irony is that Anenih is also said to do the dirty deeds of the administration. Both he and the vice-president are said to be linked to the crisis between the legislature and the executive.

Although the president consults, it is difficult to know if he puts to use any advice given to him. Close Aso Rock watchers identified his mind as his best judge when taking decisions and that once his mind is made up, it is pointless to argue with him. Ayu alluded to this in his recent interview with Newswatch. Said he: "Because of his very strong personality, people have come to say that he doesn't want anybody to argue with him." Even when he is wrong, the soldier in him does not make him apologise or retrace his steps. He carries on without as much as a comment.

To help him make important decisions, the president has around him, a host of experts on various issues. These range from experienced politicians to experts in diplomacy, politics and other fields. They help him mould his policy statements and analyse his actions.

These officers include 13 senior special assistants, 15 advisers and about 18 special assistants. But until recently when the Bullet wing of the federal secretariat was taken over by this array of advisers, most of them simply hung around the villa with no offices of their own. It has also been argued that the president might not be using the expertise of these people when they are needed most.

In his interview with Newswatch, President Obasanjo said his advisers are there to be consulted when he needs their advice. When the advisers requested for time to meet him, it took more than four months for him to grant their request. Even at that, on their first meeting, the president was conspicuously absent. Surprisingly, the president had said on a television network: "I am not sure some of them give me any advice." This gives the impression that most of the posts are mere "job for the boys."

Most of the criticisms against his government have come out of that belief. Such critics say that the president's inability to gauge the mood of Nigerians through his advisers account for certain decisions regarded as unpopular.

For example, when the president consented to an increase in the pump price of petroleum, he did not seek the view of his vice-president or of Rilwanu Lukman, his special adviser on Petroleum. It would also appear he neglected the views of the other experts he has appointed in that field. Newswatch gathered that the president took the decision simply based on details and arguments made available to him by Jackson Gaius-Obaseki, head of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC.

The same lack of consultation presaged his pronouncement of a new minimum wage for workers in the federal and state civil service. The president attended a workers rally in Lagos, where, to please labour leaders, he announced the new minimum wage. Prior to that, he had not presented a bill to the national assembly; neither had he consulted with its leadership. This brought friction and exchange of harsh words between him and the leadership of the assembly.

There was also no mention of the issue to members of the National Council of State, consisting of all state governors to know if they could afford to pay. The result was felt almost immediately at the federal and state levels. In the federal civil service, there was a three month delay in the payment of salaries, while workers in the state level went on long and tortuous strikes, which practically paralysed the activities in some states. Many states have not recovered from the effects and have had to lay off workers or are contemplating sacking some. President Obasanjo did not offer any apologies; instead, he got the revenue mobilisation and fiscal commission to make a statement that the delay in payment of salaries was a result of a nation-wide staff audit. Here again, the president exhibited a carry-over of the dictatorial tendency associated with the military.

Sometimes, it is hard not to believe that the president goes out of his way to look for the trouble of the national assembly. Apart from insulting them on their turf the president's actions have shown that he has no regard for legislative niceties. For example, he has unilaterally declared a public holiday on May 29 this year to mark one year in office without legislative debate or approval and claims that he was right. The former attorney-general Kanu Agabi tried to explain this away by quoting an arcane law inconsistent with the constitution.

It did not end there. Recently, the president granted approval for the construction of a stadium in Abuja outside the budget. He laid the foundation of a Millennium Park to mark the 40th anniversary of the country's independence, another multi-million project without discussion or approval by the legislature.

For all this, the president has been called a dictator and advised to change tactics. But the president told Newswatch recently that he does not listen to criticisms of his administration. He said he would be left with no chance to work if he had to listen to what every critic had to say about his administration. Some say this is arrogance.

But, his aides say he does things with the best intentions and that his patriotism is not in doubt. His aides say he lives, breathes and sleeps Nigeria and that he is so obsessed with transforming the country that he sometimes forgets that things could not be done with the same military fiat he is used to.

In no other area has there been as much friction as between the executive and the legislature. When the president sneezes, the national assembly catches the flu. On their part, his advisers on legislative matters have tried their best to reverse the trend of the cat and mouse game with the legislature.

Proposals have often been sent to the president on how best to handle this but in most cases, they gather dust before approvals are reluctantly given. One of such proposals was designed to help the president familiarise himself with lawmakers at the individual level. He was provided with the telephone numbers of lawmakers so that at intervals he could call them and exchange pleasantries. Said a source: "No matter how hard you are against him, if the president of the federal republic of Nigeria calls you to say hi, you are likely to feel elated. Whatever grouse you have against him would vanish." But Obasanjo does not believe in such things.

Seeing the futility of trying to make him do that, a dinner was proposed for the president to fete at least 100 lawmakers from both houses at regular intervals. Most lawmakers jumped at the idea when it was mooted and looked forward to a chance to dine with the president. President Obasanjo hosted the first two dinners before word went round that he made his guests very nervous at table. He usually comes into the hall as he would in a formal engagement. Lawmakers who attended complained that he would not exchange any pleasantries and that even when he pumps the hands of his guests, he does not look at their faces. With such preliminaries, the guests barely touch their meals while the president enjoys his and when they leave, they go with the impression of unwanted guests. The dinner was aborted when, according to sources, Obasanjo thought it was too expensive and a waste of resources.

As a result of his reputation as the first African soldier to hand over power to an elected government, President Obasanjo's contacts with foreign governments predate his current mandate. His aides say this is what is responsible for his frequent trips abroad and his belief that Nigeria must be re-introduced to the world.

The visits abroad have been criticised by many among whom is Lagos lawyer and human rights campaigner, Gani Fawehinmi. At a recent press conference, Fawehinmi estimates that on the average, the president spends three days out of a week abroad. The president has replied that the trips are necessary to sell a nation coming in from the cold of isolation." I will not stop," he says defiantly.

Nigerians agree that the country needs to come clean from the cold, but they equally argue that there is enough to engage the president's attention at home. The president told Newswatch: "This is a country that needs to come into the mainstream of the international community and for that reason, you need to go round and say, well, look, we have a new Nigeria and I'm the epitome of the new Nigeria." But his critics argue that he robs his ministers of the ability to do their constitutional duties. Sule Lamido, the minister for foreign affairs recently lashed back at the president's critics when he said that he did not have the clout to do for Nigeria, what the president could do for it.

Yet some say that the president's frequent international trips have robbed them of the ability to get his approval as and when needed on urgent state matters. Said an official: "It is easier to get an approval with him in London than in Abuja. Those who must see this president must learn to fly." Of recent though, it seems the president's tough talk is just a facade. In the past couple of months, he has stayed more at home than abroad. He has also paid official visits to some states to commission projects.

The president is believed to be very strict when it comes to anything involving money. An apostle of anti-corruption, the president would look with finicky fastidiousness at any monetary proposal to ensure that it would not benefit the writer before appending his signature.

The meticulousness with money has stalled many a proposal, which should have benefited his government. Said one minister. "If the president has a remote reason to believe that a financial proposal would benefit you even remotely, you are better off keeping it away from him." His favourite cliche is often - "where am I going to get that kind of money to execute that project. Abeg forget it ojare." To show his seriousness, Newswatch learnt the president usually cuts down on the allowances accruable to him on foreign trips. He told his protocol officers to slash his allowances and those of his aides who travel with him wherever the host government or where his government is paying or providing accommodation for them.

Convinced that corruption is the greatest challenge of Nigeria, the president has vowed that he would do something about it. Some of his critics think he has become neurotic about the issue and question his ability to achieve much with the campaign. It is this battle against corruption that drives the president to want to supervise every project. He is usually constantly briefed about the progress of all capital projects, although he has a project-monitoring group, which does its own evaluation.

In his cabinet, only one man can boast that his file has never been returned without an approval. That man is said to be Uffot J. Ekaette the secretary to the government of the federation. Aso Rock sources confirmed that Ekaette always gets an approval because he has never presented a proposal that involves the use of money.

On the other hand, Anenih is one man who could not complain of being starved of funds in his own ministry. From the results of meetings of the federal executive council, FEC, he is a favoured minister in a favoured ministry. Hardly a week passes without the announcement of some road projects to either be constructed or rehabilitated. This, observers say, shows the degree of confidence the president has in him. He has also co-ordinated government programmes such as the poverty alleviation programme, PAP and its sister, youth employment scheme, YES which would be handled by him also.

This has made him the envy of other ministers who could hardly boast of having the required money for their capital projects. Newswatch gathered that with only a few weeks to the end of the year, many of them are still battling to have their second and third quarter allocations for capital projects released. Some have even tried to get the president's approval using Anenih and a few close aides including Jubril Martins-Kuye, the minister of state for finance. Ironically, there are complaints that such major roads as the Shagamu-Benin expressway, are still in terrible shape.

Apart from favoured ministers and advisers, the president is believed to take the advice of foreign governments, especially those of the United States of America, USA very seriously. The president is on first name terms with most world leaders and is a good friend of President Bill Clinton. His leadership position in the West African sub-region has also brought him close to French president, Jacques Chirac while Nigeria's historical link with the United Kingdom gives him a favoured place with Tony Blair. It is said that the president consults with Clinton on many issues. The two are Baptists. He also respects the views of leaders of the IMF and the World Bank in taking decisions.

Although he does not act on rumours, when it comes to talks about financial dealings, the president is believed to be all ears. He fired one of his ministers on account of that. The minister had been accused by his senior colleague of lodging government money in his private account. The president confronted him. He did not deny but asked for pardon. The president dismissed him. To ensure that he was pardoned, he wrote a personal letter to the president asking for forgiveness. The president accepted the letter and gladly showed it to just about everyone.

A few days after the incident, the minister came to inform the president that he would be travelling abroad for medical check-up. The president nodded his approval promising that he would pray for the minister. When he left the villa, his name was announced as having resigned.

To show his determination to fight corruption, the first bill to be presented to the national assembly on his assumption of office was the anti-corruption bill. Before he swore in his cabinet, the president brought in Transparency International, an anti-corruption agency to conduct a seminar for them. At the end of that exercise, the president formulated a resignation letter, which he made each of his ministers to sign leaving the date column blank.

He told them that any day he has reason to believe that they were engaged in corrupt practices, he would simply date the letter and announce their resignation. He has shown his seriousness in the case of the sacking of at least one of his former ministers. Newswatch gathered that he has amended that order to include prosecution before the anti-corruption commission. The president said he is doing this in order to 'widen the island of integrity' before the expiration of his first term.

To ensure that he is in touch with what is going on in the various ministries, the president instituted a weekly meeting of the federal executive council, which he mostly chairs. The first item on the agenda of each meeting is a detailed analysis of what happens in each ministry. To complement this, he has also instituted the Saturday forum where experts, ministers and advisers rub minds with him over issues of national importance.

He has told the national assembly in the wake of the corruption scandal that rocked the legislature that he would henceforth not release any capital votes to them. He said he would give it to the federal capital development authority, FCDA or any appropriate ministry charged with the responsibility of executing such contracts.

While some Nigerians say that his constant harping on corruption would rob Nigerians of the prestige he has won for them with his mandate, the president does not believe that. He said that the fact of Nigeria being a corrupt country is well known. Hear him: "What are you saying. They know. They know."

The president's leadership style has earned him a lot of enemies. The northern part of the country, where he got the largest support at the polls is up in arms against him. But the president has said he would never change. It does seem though that behind that hard and uncompromising stance, which is the hallmark of a military officer, there is the soft part which shows that he cares. At least, a couple of weeks ago, he sent Abubakar, his vice to Kaduna not only to be honoured but also to hear the grouse of the north.

Whether or not he would do something about their legion of complaints is something alse. One thing the northerners are sure of is that without their votes his bid for a second term would be futile. For the president, only God gives power and only him can take it away.