WHAT kind of a man is Dr Nevers Mumba who courageously, freely and openly contradicts himself even without thinking much about clarifications and apologies?

Who is this losing Christian presidential candidate, (the youngest of 11) even without winning the election, turned round to convince the nation that there is nothing wrong with Christians directly participating at all levels of politics?

Who is the man who preaches and speaks so much of himself without being accused of boasting? Who is this inspiring personality loved even by people who failed to vote for him?

The Zambia Shall Be Saved book by Canadian Kirbey Lockhart in its first chapter 'the bridge builder' opens with the line "Nevers Mumba likes boxing" a seemingly ungodly sport because "he is peculiar."

This may be one peculiarity, in recognition of peculiarities for one seeking to understand a preacher with a boxer's ferocity on the pulpit and saintly meekness in life.

"This is a fight I am ready to fight, even alone. The church song says 'though none go with me, still I will follow.' I shall follow God's will for my life and my country. I shall not give up until Zambia is saved." (p.13). The National Citizen's Coalition (NCC) president was quoted in his Kabwe rally speech in November 1999.

There is a notable usage of 'I'-- the selfness in 'even alone' in the text with obvious juxtaposition of religion and politics, homiletic delivery irrespective of the religious status of the audience. But for most part of the book, the 'I' refers to Lockhart.

An analysis of boxing can accord an insight in the usage of 'I' as opposed to we, by preachers, or even by elected leaders guided by advisors and committees.

Some critics say boxing firstly raises to an art the passions underlying direct human aggression; its fundamentally murderous intent not obscured in its individual players who have no help from teammates.

"It celebrates, not meekness, but the flamboyant aggression," wrote boxing writer Joyce Carol Oates in a Time magazine article Rape and the Boxing Ring.

What is there for a pastor in a sport funded by gambling and prostitution et cetera that excessively rewards fighters for inflicting injury on each other, which, outside the ring would be punishable aggravated assault?

Oates further writes that boxing celebrates the individualistic maleness, which flouts such moral and Biblical prescriptions, as "thou shalt not kill."

In addition to its defiant brutality and funding, the main element is the consequent individualistic egotism represented in sobriquets or boasts like; the greatest, the baddest, the best there was/the best there ever will be, the one and only, the invincible, et cetera.

Apart from the obvious negatives like pride in pugilists there are attractions such as bravery, discipline, intelligence, agility and aggression in the right sense and measure.

And boxing survives because of its many spectators who sadistically admire and experiment with pain as well as human ability to absorb or withstand it.

A loquacious and aggressive "Pastor Mumba is not afraid to step into the ring and fight." (p.13).

As much as it is a physical sport, it is also essentially a science that deals with the battle of the human spirit; will power, its eventual triumph over the body, physical strength.

And obviously, the pastor is interested in the boxing spirit, its discipline, the fitness or athletic excellence of its players as admired by St Paul in one of his books.

In spite of the noted use of 'I' in his speeches, only last month, Dr Mumba after meeting president Mwanawasa and briefing opposition presidents observed that the UNIP government offered us a party-controlled state.

Chiluba administration was a man-controlled state. President Mwanawasa's was neither. He did not classify his leadership at NCC and Victory Ministries International (VMI).

At some point, because of the common leadership and style, the NCC and VMI seem the same and that confusion is even more in the recent book.

The impression is that Dr Mumba did not join politics but attempted to bring Christianity into politics, that is, to shift VMI onto NCC.

The NCC symbol of a bridge is strategically placed in the first chapter whereas the ingenious book cover of the national flag colours for an obvious political message.

There may perhaps, be no better cover design for this political work that borrows its title from VMI weekly television broadcast.

This 112-page and 10-chapter book was hurriedly pieced together in chapters like Yellow Tent (of Reinhard Bonnke), Navy Suits (at Bible School), The Day Of Small Things, ZNBC (tele-a-thon), A Christian Nation, Captain Solo, Turbulent Priest, NCC and lastly Battle Is On but failing to better present Dr Mumba than he does on the pulpit.

In fact, Mumbaís own 84-page book Integrity With Fire, a first person narrative recounts testimonies, confessions, anecdotes, reflections any personal experience in a religious context.

In that case, at the end of Integrity, one has to respond to the beckoning of the prophet of God whereas Lockhart's book one has to respond to a politician.

Both accounts emphasise Dr Mumba's strength on the spoken and not the written word as exemplified in the instance when Lockhart, one person of three people plus Nevers and his wife Florence, privileged to Dr Mumba's personal diary without finding much there. Instead Lockhart recites appointments!

Lockhart's book, lifting entire speeches, excerpts, press releases and articles presents the known man. "I have never completely understood, Nevers keeps his thoughts carefully locked in the vault of his heart," (p.44) wrote Lockhart who should have unlocked the heart as biographers are supposed to do.

The result was that readers were again given the public persona that they weekly see on television, daily in newspapers, and daily in person as a friend, pastor, father or director or employer.

Dr Mumba,42, the 11th of Sunday Mumba's 12 children, born in Chinsali on May 18 in the Taurus sign "known for his ability to concentrate and for his tenacity. These are perhaps the strongest qualities." Nevers too, wanted 12 children but his wife stopped him at five.

Astrologers say Taureans never leave work unfinished, can also be taken at their word; are honest and forthright in their dealings. They are high achievers and thorough Taureans never fall short of their mark, learn by experience and "learns how to rely on himself and what he has learned."

On the other hand Taurean negatives are that he can be stubborn, and won't accommodate other views, can be suspicious of even close friends.

"The Taurean often finds it difficult to forget or forgive. His love of material things makes him rather avaricious and petty."

These are not insights in Lockhart's writing on an eloquent subject of a preacher who is humble in life.

"He is a quiet person who enjoys his solitude. To those close to him, he chooses to communicate his wishes indirectly which can be exasperating," wrote Lockhart.

And that was worsened by Lockhart's miscalculation of marketing the book on a television campaign broadcast for "Zambia's next president."

When Dr Mumba defended his NCC, civic organisation programme to educate the nation on the significance of morality, integrity in public office he emphasised that "as powerful as it may be the presidency is not the sole key to changing the country."

Dr Mumba has defended such contradictions as maturity, as he did at the book launch that was also attended by some Roman Catholic Church (RCC) leaders.

Anyhow, the transitory nature of the spoken word, as opposed to the permanency of the written word, permits such forgetfulness and even evasion.

Again, the poet, the politician and the preacher trade in the common medium of, written or spoken, words in the creation and reflection of the same reality of the world around them, noted Ngugi Wa Thiong'o in the book Writers in Politics.

In the book African Poetry and the English Language John Haynes review of Masizi Kunene's Emperor Shaka the Great in a chapter, Kunene's 'Shaka' and the Idea of the Poet as Teacher, pointed out the significant language usage elements of mythification and embellishment.

Therefore, how correct is a biography that eulogises its subject? There are obvious examples and consequences of embellishment of mystified subjects. How often do we see and point out wrongs in leaders or friends? Or are leaders equal to the led or to deities?

Although Dr Mumba is not as linguistically striking as he is expressive, he has an impressive voice and showmanship, which were highly rated at the last presidential debates even if his manifesto was not necessarily extraordinary.

The issues of morality and integrity are not new to politics, in this nation as he himself once had a moral input into the lives of the past two presidents. Instead, politicians chose words like accountability and transparency.

Dr Mumba got attracted to politics not by the welfare of crusaders in the hinterlands but by the abuse of resources, that he witnessed at first hand, by a government of Christian leaders.

And that is why he has been accused of abusing his access to the two presidents to bolster his presidential election chances.

"I don't want their (the government's) money unless every Zambian can share it. I don't need any favours unless every Zambian will be favoured," Dr Mumba who held a diplomatic passport until government withdrew it once declared at a rally.

In the book he shares three photos with Dr Chiluba; one with Dr Kaunda and five with or of Lockhart.

He, according to the book, regularly talked and prayed with president Chiluba in his first term. And to get round the security weekly change of phone numbers "the president gave his personal number, which is not routinely changed, to Nevers."

And that should have been for about five years because "by the second term however, their friendship had become icy."

At that rate, should one aspire for presidency if his advice is not heeded?

And that in part explains the criticism on Dr Mumba's presidential ambitions prompted by differences with a friend, which subsequently revealed the unpreparedness of politics for a Christian opposition presidential candidate.

In a time when the president and his vice were Christians, what could have been criminal about him forming a party and declaring presidential intentions? This debate--which was inadequately catered for--stole some campaign time.

Perhaps unknown to him--who once preached that politics was a demotion for any preacher--theologians had long settled the issue of politics and religion.

"Christianity is essentially a religion of liberation" of the oppressed people, wrote African-American theologian James H. Cone in the book Black Theology Of Liberation in 1970.

In that regard, theology must analyse "the meaning of liberation for the oppressed people so they can know their struggle for political, social, and economic justice is consistent with the gospel of Jesus Christ."

In agreement Dr Mumba told a ZAMCOM Reporting Religion Workshop in 1998 "if a Christian has values and morals to talk about, it should be his responsibility to share them and influence his society in the most positive and practical way."

The mystery of practicing politics and religion was older than NCC although he observed, "Zambian politics needs an injection of love and forgiveness."

He further noted "we want both the values of religion and the art of politics, but we deny ourselves the privilege of having both at the same time."

Another politician in that dilemma, Mahatma Gandhi wrote in 1927 that his experiments in truth exposed him to all fields "that is why my devotion to truth has drawn me into the field of politics; and I can say without the slightest hesitation, and yet in all humility, that those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what religion means." Actually, Gandhi long inspired Dr Kaunda, a friend of Dr Mumba.

Gandhi, who was also a prolific writer, did not become president although his immense contributions are viewed as political and not religious, because politics has a way of using, abusing or converting ideologies that it interacts with.

Although politics aspires for religious ideals, it rarely reaches the mark leaving those attempting to directly infuse religion into it doing more of politics than religion.

In the end, both religion and politics aspire to serve its adherents hence the common constituency, even if the debate remains whether the position of advantage is inside or outside politics.