When Mr Robert Mugabe was sworn in as the first prime minister of independent Zimbabwe on the night of 18 April 1980, he was, to virtually all Zimbabweans and to the outside world, a living legend.
He was in the mould of Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, and Nelson Mandela, who was still imprisoned at the time. He appeared a principled liberator, a fighter for justice, peace, equal rights, and all other causes which made for a just society.
Next Thursday marks the 22nd anniversary of Zimbabwe's gaining independence from colonial rule, and this is an appropriate time to reflect on the developments of the last two decades, and to decide whether indeed there is anything to celebrate. The living legend of 1980 has become one of the most reviled characters not only in Zimbabwe, the African continent, but the world over. He has reduced the country to levels of starvation, brutality, lawlessness, and international isolation that no living person, whatever their foresight, could ever have imagined amid the celebrations and feasting that was taking place on that historic night.
What went wrong with Mugabe? Observers offer different theories. The political uprisings in Matabeleland in the early 1980s offered the first insight into Mugabe's true character, where, instead of seeking dialogue with his political foe, Joshua Nkomo and Zapu, he unleashed a vicious army brigade led by Perence Shiri to massacre thousands of rural folk. This was the indication of a man who brooked no threat to his hold on power as he consolidated his position. Since then it has been downhill all the way.
Observers also point to the creation of the executive presidency in 1987, crafted by the-then minister of legal and parliamentary affairs, Dr Eddison Zvobgo. In fact it has been argued that this move was the most negative and dangerous development in post-independent Zimbabwe as it virtually gave Mugabe carte blanche to rule the country with impunity, and the power to overide any constitutional provisions. He became unaccountable to anyone, parliament included; as time progressed Mugabe became so removed from the generality of the people as he concentrated on firming his grip on the political handle at the expense of running the country.
Another theory that has been advanced to explain Mugabe's deterioration was the death in 1992 of his closest confidante and wife of 30 years, Sally. She was generally ackowleged as a mature, honest, and solid character who was able to restrain Mugabe, to offer perspectives grounded on civilised human values and not on whimsical notions. It is said that Mugabe does not have the benefit of that advice now, as observers point to the poor character and demeanour of his youthful wife, Grace. Only in the run-up to last month's presidential election, Grace publicly used gutter language against the opposition MDC and its leaders as she campaigned for her embattled husband-behaviour totally unbecoming of a First Lady and which certainly would have disgusted Sally.
Mugabe has now surrounded himself with a host of opportunists and scatter-brains who have taken advantage of his vulnerability and who can offer no meaningful advice. Against the background of his waning popularity, they knowingly lie to him in order to ingratiate themselves and secure their positions. Mugabe is now clearly confused and directionless.
The man who was once revered as one of Africa's shining stars is now held in such contempt not only for his economic and political mismanagement of one of the most promising countries on the continent, but more for his vicious brutality against the people. Many ordinary Zimbabweans, wallowing in poverty, hunger, and unemployment, have been heard to say they wish they were still under a colonial government, and that to them 18 April is a day of mourning, rather than of celebration.
So that is the sad story of Zimbabwe that leads us to ask: Is there is anything to feast about on Thursday?
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