Johannesburg — RAY Hartley's diatribe is a desperate attempt to frighten readers with a nightmare scenario of what would happen ifJacob Zuma were to become president of South Africa.

Many have come to the conclusion that Hartley, and others in the media, have allowed themselves to be dragged into the factions that exist in our liberation movement. It is clear they have been receiving confidential briefings by the National Prosecuting Authority and some within our movement, and that they know the intricacies of the workings of the various factions.

Although it is inevitable that some elements in the movement will influence journalists, it is of concern when the same people pretend to be a voice of reason when they are actually pursuing clear agendas.

Behind factions and personalities there are always class politics. And Hartley has brought them to the fore. He and others in the media, right-wing politicians and big business fear that a mass-backed Zuma election victory could shake the foundations of the neo-liberal, capitalist system.

The kind of people that Hartley mixes with - big business and, to an extent, the middle class - were happy to live with an ANC government which brought political stability and put an end to the civil and industrial strife of the apartheid years. They were grateful for the pro-market policies which provided business with the opportunity to amass bigger and bigger profits.

That is why they warn that the country will face ruin if Zuma gains power.

But the workers and the poor will not respond to his clarion call to stand up and be counted because "your country is facing ruin".

The reason is that, economically, workers and the poor face ruin now. Our wages have stagnated, more of us are being casualised and 40% are unemployed. The share of wages in the national income has fallen to 45% from around 57% in 1991.

In Hartley's world, the wages of the top echelons are on the rise, profits are rising, confidence is at a historic high and inequalities are rising faster than ever. For the millions of poor, however, any prospect of a change to address their economic marginalisation is welcome.

From a typical liberal standpoint, Hartley dismisses Zuma as "a populist figure", claims that he "poses a grave risk to this country" and says the campaign in his support "ought to frighten those who cherish... democracy".

Yet surely this support for the ANC deputy president is real democracy in action, something that this "democrat" Hartley is terrified of. He is haunted by the thought of power moving out of the hands of "responsible" representatives of the rich and powerful into those of a leader who speaks for the workers and the poor.

Real democracy does not just mean the right to vote every five years, but the right of everybody to a better life.

That is why there is such overwhelming support for Zuma.

This support has not just been whipped up by "populist leaders, such as Zwelinzima Vavi and Blade Nzimande", as Hartley absurdly imagines. It is the voice of the people, exercising their democratic right to support the leaders of their choice.

He decries that Zuma would be "indebted to the left". Who does he want him to be indebted to?

Hartley's agenda becomes clear when he turns to the policies that a Zuma presidency would implement.

He is horrified that the judicial system and the media might be transformed and made more responsive to the interests of the majority. He trembles at the thought of "a highly regulated labour market in which job creation would be further entrenched". He fulminates at the prospect of "a low interest-rate-led growth path". It is these policies that Cosatu and the SACP have been campaigning for that he fears most because they pose a threat to the domination of his class.

But his rantings will only confirm the conviction among the workers and the poor that they have good reason to back Zuma. Support for Zuma is not limited to the working class; it extends to other segments who can identify with the pain and suffering of anyone wronged. This includes the entire ANC, the alliance and the rest of the movement. They will turn out in his support in even larger numbers at his court appearances. Unlike Hartley they don't have nightmares of a prospect of a Zuma presidency.

Fikile Majola, Nehawu general secretary and member of the Friends of Jacob Zuma Trust