Surendra BISSOONDOYAL
22 August 2006
Port Louis — On 8 August 1974, Richard Nixon was forced to submit his resignation as President of the most powerful nation on earth, militarily as well as economically: the USA. No power on earth could save him from humiliation. It was the unraveling of the greatest political scandal in modern times, known as "Watergate", brought to the notice of the public by the courageous investigative journalism of two reporters from the Washington Post.
This event not only vindicated the strength of press freedom but also the value and the power of what Edmund Burke called the Fourth Estate, more powerful than the other three: the Legislative, the Executive and the Judiciary. The French would call it "le quatrième pouvoir" or "le contre-pouvoir". No wonder the power wielded by the press is not to the liking of governments and people who would like to enjoy absolute power and indulge in corruption.
Freedom of speech, which is fundamental not only in a democracy but also to the concept of human rights, has, over the ages, become the most powerful tool in promoting social justice in general and in the upliftment of the downtrodden classes of society in particular, and in uncovering cases of corruption and abuse of authority.
Powerful voices were raised in Mauritius prior to independence to make Mauritians aware of their rights and to fight for their dignity - among them Emmanuel Anquetil, Dr Curé, Basdeo and Sookdeo Bissoondoyal, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and Guy Rozemont. In parallel Dr Millien's newspaper "l'Oeuvre" was at the forefront of the battle for human rights, including freedom of the press, in the same way that "le Mauricien" under Andre Masson was later ostracized for fighting the same battle. Nearer to our time we have Jean Claude de l'Estrac, Bikramsingh Ramlallah and others jailed for opposing a proposed press censorship.
The independence of Mauritius was not won, as Jawaharlal Nehru said in the case of India, by "putting proposals on a platter and dancing attendance on the British Government for acceptance". In India the tradition of a free press is so anchored in its way of life that the Executive dare not touch it. Only last week the Indian Government had to climb down in its attempt to amend the "Right To Information" Act to make it impossible for the public to obtain certain information. It is not only the decision arrived at that is important, but also the decision making process, including notes and recommendations made on file. The Government wanted to keep these out of the inquisitive eyes of the public. The press and the trade unions stood up against this attempt, and an old freedom fighter, Anna Hazare, went on a hunger strike two weeks ago. Eleven days after the beginning of the fast the Government gave in and decided not to amend the RTI Act before comprehensive discussions take p lace with the activists. But the fight goes on.
It is sad to see politicians wax eloquent on soap boxes as champions of human rights and ditch them when they are in power. Laws already exist in a civilised society to deal with slander, obscenity and national security. There need not be special laws targeting the press. There should, on the other hand, be regulations in order not to deny certain sections of the press which oppose government policies the same facilities, particularly regarding paid advertisement, that others benefit from.
We are not in the 18th century which saw Voltaire sent to prison for being satirical about the French government, and exiled when he refused to be gagged. Two centuries later it was the turn of the British television to launch the most successful weekly satirical show targeting everybody in a high position, but particularly the Establishment. Even the Queen was not spared. Do we need a new Voltaire to tell us; " I may not agree with what you say, but I will fight to the death for your right to say it !"
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