Financial Gazette (Harare)
Geoff Nyarota
18 October 2006
column
Harare — THE disturbingly high rate at which retired soldiers are taking over various facets of the administration of state affairs could soon see Zimbabwe becoming a fully-fledged military state.
Meanwhile, independent Zimbabwe's first defence forces commander has truly and firmly entrenched himself as the undisputed king-maker.
The military has, over the past few years, grown in both stature and influence to become a dominant factor in the balance of political power within President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF -- and beyond. In the run-up to the presidential election in 2002, General Vitalis Zvinavashe, the then commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, shocked both the electorate and observers when he publicly declared that the armed forces would not recognise any new President, unless he had fought in the war to liberate Zimbabwe from colonial oppression.
There was genuine concern at the time that should Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, win the election, as he was heavily tipped to, he was bound to encounter fierce resistance from a partisan army leadership and a likely military coup. The man behind the growing influence and clout of the military is Retired General Tapfumaneyi Rex Solomon Mujuru, the first commander of the Zimbabwe National Army.
Mujuru is a humble and unassuming man. His demeanour, however, belies a dogged determination, a relentless pursuit of political power through behind-the-scenes manipulation, as well as skilful networking, extending beyond his Chikomba District. His favourite candidate for President is said to be former Finance Minister, Dr Simba Makoni, who hails from Manicaland Province.
He is far from an eloquent or engaging speaker, even in his native Shona language. Mujuru's speech is blighted by a pronounced stammer. He seems, however, to overcome his handicap to communicate and exert his influence in the highest offices of government. A man of limited academic credentials, Mujuru entered the world of African nationalist politics during Ian Smith's Rhodesia, after curtailing his educational career at a young age.
His future military role in Rhodesia's guerilla war and in the army of the new Republic of Zimbabwe was defined in Lusaka, Zambia when he enrolled for military training. After the former Zanla supremo, Josiah Magama Tongogara, perished in a car accident in the dying moments of the armed struggle, as he prepared to lead his guerilla army triumphantly back to Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and independent Zimbabwe, Mujuru emerged in 1980 as the new commander of ZANU PF's military wing.
Mujuru's most significant contribution to the armed struggle and in determining the future destiny of both ZANU PF and Zimbabwe was his role in laying the groundwork for the ascendancy of President Robert Mugabe, recently arrived in Mozambique, to the leadership of the party that would form the first government of an independent Zimbabwe five years later. Those closely linked to the party say President Mugabe has not forgotten his benefactor and Mujuru is now reaping the benefits of that early association in Mozambique.
When President Mugabe became Prime Minister in 1980 he appointed Mujuru to head the newly created Zimbabwe National Army. The former guerilla leader became a man of immense power and political influence, Zanla having spearheaded the final stage of the armed struggle. By the time of his retirement from the army Mujuru had become fabulously wealthy. The source of that conspicuous wealth remains a cause of muffled speculation. The most persuasive evidence of Mujuru's mounting clout was the victory in 2004 of his own spouse, Joice, over powerful and much feared politician, Emmerson Mnangagwa, for long touted as the hot favourite to succeed President Mugabe. Joice Mujuru overcame the challenge posed by Mnangagwa and is now Vice-President. Her husband has emerged as a decisive player in the so-called succession battle in preparation for President Mugabe's long-overdue retirement.
Mujuru hails from a bastion of political power, the Chikomba District of Mashonaland East Province. Chikomba has spawned influential players on Zimbabwe's political landscape. Charles Utete, who served as Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet, became extremely powerful and served as de facto Prime Minister after the abolition of that post following Mugabe's ascendancy to the executive presidency in December 1987.
The First Lady of Zimbabwe, Grace Mugabe, is perhaps the most famous daughter of Chikomba. Airforce of Zimbabwe commander, Air Marshal Perrence Shiri, is perhaps the most detested son of Chikomba, following his leading role in the Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland.
Other notable descendants of the Chikomba District include recently deceased Information Minister, Tichaona Jokonya; former Defence Minister, Ernest Kadungure, and the mercurial former chairman of the Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association, Chenjerai "Hitler" Hunzvi. The latter spearheaded a campaign of terror and mayhem at the height of the violent farm invasions in 2000. Kadungure is said to have organised the training of ZANU PF youths to wreak violence on the ranks of political opposition parties. The former MDC Member of Parliament, Gabriel Chaibva, disclosed in the House details of the training, which he claims he personally underwent.
"There was this training camp called Robert Gabriel Mugabe in Marondera," Chaibva said. "When we went there, we were taught by the late Ernest Kadungure on how to deal with ZAPU and to kill opponents to ZANU PF's rule during those days in the 1980s."
The shrewd manner in which Mujuru has amassed political power has been largely devoid of the crude violence preached and practiced by Kadungure and Hunzvi.
With the growth in political stature of Mujuru, a large number of former army brigadiers and colonels, most of them bearing personal allegiance to him, have climbed the ladder unobtrusively to occupy positions of influence in government and parastatals as well as within the diplomatic corps.
The Attorney-General Sobusa Gula-Ndebele, was previously an intelligence officer in the army. He is alleged to be aligned to Mujuru in the ongoing succession battle while his own boss, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, who was recently arraigned before the courts on charges of allegedly obstructing the administration of justice, is known to be aligned to the rival Mnangagwa faction.
Zimbabwe is not, prima facie, a fully-fledged military dictatorship in-so-far-as the political power is vested in an elected civilian president. Amid escalating authoritarian rule, the uniformed services, however, wield an inordinate amount of power and influence outside their own ranks. This is facilitated by a network of former high-ranking officers who hold positions of power in government and are largely loyal to their former commander, Mujuru. While living in blissful and prosperous retirement, the former army commander has now emerged as, perhaps, the most politically dominant single individual in present-day Zimbabwe, wielding more power than the ageing and anachronistic President.
Fawning articles in the government media describe Mujuru the "kingmaker". The title occasionally appears in the independent press as well. Senior army officers, both serving and retired, have benefited as a result.
Three retired army officers serve government in the capacity of cabinet minister or deputy.
The man who heads the Ministry of Energy and Power Development is Retired Lieutenant-General Michael Reuben Nyambuya, while Retired Brigadier-General Ambrose Mutinhiri is his counterpart at the Ministry of Youth Development and Employment Creation. Meanwhile, Retired Lt.-Colonel Hubert Magadzire Nyanhongo is the Deputy Minister of Transport and Communications.
Justice George Chiweshe, who is a High Court judge as well as chairman of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, is a former advocate-general in the Zimbabwe National Army. He was responsible for court-martials.
Another ex-military man, Retired Colonel Christian Katsande heads the Ministry of Industry and International Trade as permanent secretary. Justin Mupamhanga, the permanent secretary for Energy and Power Development does not have a military background, strictly speaking, but his credentials are close enough. He is formerly a senior officer of the Central Intelligence Organisation.
By some coincidence, the transport sector has become a preserve of retired army personnel. While Nyanhongo is Deputy Minister, retired Air-Commodore Mike Karakadzai presides over what remains of the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) in his capacity as general manager. The chairman of the NRZ board is -- you guessed right -- another military man. Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba is still a serving officer.
Even the Commissioner of Prisons is Retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi, as opposed to a career prison warder.
For some unfathomable reason, the administration of sport has become the exclusive domain of soldiers, both serving and retired. The chairman of the Sport and Recreation Commission is Brigadier-General Gibson Mashingaidze (still serving), while the director-general of the same commission is Retired Lt. Colonel Charles Nhemachena. One of the commissioners is Brigadier-General Justin Mujaji, who is also still serving.
Not to be outdone, the parastatals have their own sprinkling of senior executives who were appointed after they had retired from the armed forces. Retired Colonel Samuel Muvuti is the acting chief executive officer of the perennially loss-making Grain Marketing Board. Muvuti was suspended from employment in August, two days after his arrest on allegations of defrauding the parastatal of close to $1 million. Agriculture Minister, the thespian Joseph Made, vetoed the suspension. It boggles the mind that the said retired colonel was embroiled in allegedly fraudulent conduct while he was still acting CEO of the GMB. But let me not digress.
The military have spread their wings into the banking sector as well, Retired Colonel Godfrey Matemachani is the general manager of CBZ (Nominees) Limited. Government is a major shareholder of CBZ.
Retired Brigadier Elisha Muzonzini, who became director of the Central Intelligence Oranisation was appointed Zimbabwe's High Commissioner to Kenya in 2002. His title changed to Ambassador after President Mugabe unilaterally withdrew Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth
On his recent visit to Cuba, where he attended last month's summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Havana, President Mugabe was welcomed at Jose Marti International Airport by a retired soldier. Zimbabwe's Ambassador to Cuba is Retired Major General Jevan Maseko. The line-up of dignitaries who saw him off at Harare International Airport would have included a large turnout of both serving and retired soldiers.
One would expect President Mugabe, as an ex-school teacher himself, to be partial to the appointment of members of his former profession to the structures that keep the wheels of his administration well oiled. Instead, it is the military personnel who have become the flavour of the month. When soldiers, whatever their rank, succumb to illness, whether long or short, their demise is routinely given prominence in the state-controlled electronic and print media. This privilege is not extended to members of the teaching fraternity, company executives, university professors, doctors, accountants, bank managers, nurses or anyone else, unless they die in bizarre circumstances.
Some animals are obviously more equal than others, as George Orwell cynically pointed out in his Animal Farm.
A question that goes begging for an answer, however, is why so many supposedly talented, enterprising and still mentally and physically able officers retired from active service with the army, in the first place.
The disbursement of favours and other resources of patronage to a network of supporters in government and the uniformed forces, which is so prevalent in Zimbabwe is symptomatic of deep-rooted corruption.
Saying of the Week:
"When we asked him about the disturbances, he apologised to me personally, but I was not convinced." -- Vice-President Joseph Msika referring to President Mugabe in the context of the Gukura-hundi atrocities committed by the Five Brigade in Matabeleland in the 1980s. (The Standard)
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