Wafula Okumu
10 August 2007
opinion
DR WAFULA OKUMU of the Institute for Security Studies interrogates the pros and cons of the envisaged Africa Command (AFRICOM). In this first instalment, he studies Africa's intransigent reaction to the projectUntil recently, Africa has not been strategically attractive to the U.S. This is partly because U.S. interests in Africa had not been clearly defined and it had no bureaucratic structure to manage those almost nonexistent interests.
For a long time, the strategic thinking has been that the U.S. has "no compelling interests in Africa" and "do not want anybody else to have any, either." However, whenever a non-Western nation or idea made its way into Africa, the U.S. got very nervous.
This is what happened from the 1960- 1990, when the Soviet Union tried to spread its communist ideology to Africa. Today, many think the U.S. is very nervous of Chinese economic penetration into Africa. America's concern is that the Chinese are trying to control the continent's natural resources and gain influence over it.
The U.S. is also worried that radical Islamism is a dangerous idea that could germinate in poorly and badly governed states of Africa. AFRICOM is being sold as an answer to these threats. Until the enunciation of AFRICOM, the continent had been haphazardly divided into three U.S. commands -European, Central and Pacific. In order to understand this state of affairs, we need first to understand the basis of U.S. foreign policy towards Africa.
Basis for Understanding U.S. foreign policy towards Africa
U.S. foreign policy towards Africa has been variously referred to as either "benign neglect" or "manifest destiny." In other words, these postures have defined or driven U.S. relations with Africa. Despite changes of U.S. administrations since 1960, when most African countries started gaining independence, the substance has always remained the same.
Only the styles of various administrations have changed. As we shall see later, when given a choice between supporting the liberation struggles of the African people or bolstering its NATO allies, the U.S. easily chose the latter. On the other hand, it has sent Peace Corps volunteers to remote villages to assist in improving agricultural production while at the same time erecting trade barriers against products of these local farmers. It is this principle of "manifest destiny" that seems to be embodied in AFRICOM's objectives and stated mission.
AFRICOM's Stated mission
Why the U.S. really wants to set up AFRICOM
Despite the above stated objectives, there are many reasons why the U.S. wants to set up AFRICOM. First, the U.S. has become increasingly dependent on Africa for its oil needs. Africa is currently the largest supplier of U.S. crude oil, with Nigeria being the fifth largest source. Instability, such as that in the Niger Delta, could significantly reduce this supply. The U.S. National Intelligence Council has projected that African imports will account for 25percent of total U.S. imports by 2015. This oil will primarily come from Angola, Ghana, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Nigeria. Nigeria, Africa's largest oil producer, has now overtaken Saudi Arabia as the third largest oil exporter to the U.S. The importance of the African oil source can be gleaned from the fact that in 2006, the U.S. imported 22percent of its crude oil from Africa compared to 15percent in 2004. President Bush appeared to have African oil supplies in mind during his 2006 State of the Union Address, when he announced his intention "to replace more than 75percent of (U.S.) oil imports from the Middle East by 2025." Continuing unrest in the Middle East has increased the urgency for the U.S. to build a security alliance with Africa in order to achieve this goal.
Second, Africa is an unstable region with badly governed states that can only manage their affairs, particularly security-related, with outside assistance.
Since September 11, 2001, U.S. foreign policy has heavily focused on preventing and combating global terrorist threats. The events of 9/11 changed the way the U.S. views and relates to the rest of the world. Likewise, the foreign policies of Western powers have increasingly been militarised to secure and defend Western interests. Terrorism has been identified as one of the biggest threats to these interests. AFRICOM is expected to stop terrorists being bred in Africa's weak, failing and failed states from attacking these interests.
It is widely held in the West that failing and failed states in Africa create opportunities for terrorists to exploit. Among the targets of these terrorists are Western interests such as oil sources and supply routes. Improvement of African security would inevitably promote U.S. national interests by making it less likely that the continent could be a source of terrorism against the United States.
Third, one of the critical challenges facing Africa and the UN is training, equipping and sustaining troops in peace missions. African armies need training in peacekeeping. It is proposed that through AFRICOM, African troops will be trained and aided to keep the peace in African conflict zones. This should come in handy when it is considered that all African Union-led peacekeeping operations deployed so far have encountered monumental problems. The most recent deployment, African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), is on the verge of folding because of a lack of financial and logistical support, as well as trained troops to keep a peace that is not there. Furthermore, it is stated that the medical assistance given through AFRICOM could reduce the high prevalence of HIV in African militaries.
All things considered, it could be seen that the whole idea is, to a large extent, a bureaucratic issue within the U.S. government (State Department vs the Pentagon) on the best way of promoting American interests in Africa- 6 securing investments and oil sources, fighting off Chinese competition and waging the war against terrorism.
What Africans think of AFRICOM
Despite its altruistic sounding objectives AFRICOM is yet to be warmly and widely embraced in Africa; as the following comments indicate:
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