12 October 2007
interview
Asmara — IRIN interviewed President Isaias Afewerki in Asmara, on 1 October. Eritrea and the Horn of Africa in general remain chronically vulnerable in humanitarian terms due to drought, conflict and poverty.
A process to resolve the border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea remains stalled after numerous attempts at resolution over the past seven years. The 1998-2000 war cost tens of thousands of lives and displaced thousands of civilians. In 2002, a Boundary Commission ruled on a new border between the two countries. However, demarcation of the border has not begun.
The stalemate continues, raising fears of renewed conflict. Eritrea accuses the international community of insufficient action in compelling Ethiopia to comply. Eritrea stands accused of backing rebellion in Ethiopia and Somalia. In Eritrea itself, the government's relations with the UN, aid agencies and donors have been chequered and Eritrea has shown reluctance to accept international aid.
Isaias reviews some of these issues in the interview.
Mr President, the peace process with Ethiopia is at a stalemate; what is the way forward?
Well, I think the way forward is very clear. Legally, the decision was made almost five-and-a-half years ago, which charted the way forward. It was final and binding. The implementation [of the decision] is what is missing and it is blocked by the regime in Addis Ababa in collaboration with the administration in Washington. Demarcation [of the border] should have taken place a long time ago. Details and the technicalities for demarcation have been worked out but unfortunately the way forward has been blocked.
There is no illusion or unclarity as to the way forward. It is very clear legally and technically. The possibility and the only option for going forward would be to demarcate the border and for the international community, particularly the [UN] Security Council, to take its responsibility and obligation as far as the treaty [Algiers agreement] is concerned and the decision [of the Boundary Commission] is concerned and enforce that decision.
Ethiopia recently accused Eritrea of being in breach of the Algiers agreement. How do you react to that?
I think this was very theatrical - it is theatrical to me - because all the evidence is there. The Algiers agreement is very clear. In fact, one of the advantages of the agreement, which was anticipated probably by the wise men who drafted the document, was very detailed and very clear, and the binding and final nature of the decision [the ruling on the border] is part of the agreement. And the decision given, as I indicated earlier, was also very clear. Eritrea accepted the decision and that is the cardinal issue as far as the Algiers agreement is concerned. [It] was meant to resolve the border conflict by the establishment of a commission and also making it clear that the decision of the Boundary Commission will be final and binding. Ethiopia has not to date accepted and has violated the agreement.
Eritrea has also been accused of supporting armed groups in Ethiopia and Somalia, including direct involvement. What is your response to that?
Sometimes people do not even remember what happened yesterday and pretend to forget their own history. This government in office now in Addis Ababa forgets when it was fighting Mengistu's government and when so many Ethiopians, marginalised Ethiopians, including Tigreans, fought for self-determination in Ethiopia, not to fight an occupation force, but to change the government. Armed struggle was one of their means of fighting that regime for so many years. Doesn't it apply to them? If today's fighters, anyone, the Oromos, Somalis, Tigreans, the Amharas and what have you in Ethiopia are fighting for their rights inside Ethiopia, isn't that also what the TPLF [Tigray People's Liberation Front, senior member of Ethiopian ruling coalition party] did during Mengistu's times? How can one who lived through that process point a finger at Somalis fighting for the reconstitution of their land and for the freedom of the Somalis and categorise them as terrorists? This is an empty accusation in my opinion. It is meant to benefit from the political environment that came after 9/11 and categorising every opposition and every freedom fighter as a terrorist.
We stood by the TPLF all those years, we supported the right to resist and fight the Mengistu regime or even the previous regime. We stood on the side of all Ethiopians without distinction - the Oromos, Amharas, Somalis, Afars, Tigreans - for a new Ethiopia. If these people now believe this government is not representative and this government is leading Ethiopia to the unknown, they fight for their rights. If the Somalis who today see their land occupied fight this occupation; isn't it legitimate for anyone, any peace-loving [person] to support their cause?
Is your government concerned that the current situation may lead to direct military confrontation?
You mean between Eritrea and Ethiopia, well we don't need any confrontation. We have our right to self-defence. We have been committed to our legal obligations as far as the border is concerned. As I indicated earlier, we will abide by the letter and spirit of the agreement. We have politically and legally struggled to see implementation of the decision through demarcation. Unfortunately that has not been the case. We continue to struggle on that line.
There was a Somali opposition conference here. How successful was it and how does it contribute to the realisation of peace and stability in Somalia?
As I repeatedly said it only expressed the wish of the Somali people. I would even go as far as saying it may also be expressive of the wish of so many within the so-called transitional government in Somalia. It is unthinkable to imagine that any Somali anywhere would accept occupation as a fact of life. Somalis have to get out of the bleak situation [of] the last 16 years. Somalis aspire to get out of that situation and create an environment or conducive climate for reconstruction and reconciliation among the Somalis. This will take a long time. It is not an easy task but I consider the conference held here as part of that process. It is a process in the right direction. Definitely, it was a success because it was a genuine expression of the aspiration of the Somali people in spite of their political positions or their views about how the future would go in Somalia.
How do the recent negative developments in the peace process with Ethiopia affect the humanitarian situation in your country?
We don't have any humanitarian problems now. We can say that we have successfully implemented programmes on food security and we may have reached a level where we do not need any food aid from outside. The economy is performing well - not in terms of statistics - that would be very misleading. The performance could only be measured by the changes in the quality of life of people here.
We can talk about the infrastructure; we can talk about a number of economic sectors, the social sectors, health and education. Our achievements are tremendous and probably equal to any other experience with the limitations and the challenges we have faced. We no longer talk about economic problems in this country, we talk about growth and development and the measurement for growth and development is steady and sustainable economic growth.
Your government has embarked on ensuring food security solely based on self-reliance. How is that working?
It is not self-reliance. It is not even food security per se. It is a programme for the short term and probably for the medium term. We aspire to increase production in agriculture and fisheries to enable this country to export food commodities, processed or raw. We can now confidently say we have gone a long way to secure food. That is a priority; that is for the short term. We need to do more to achieve the level that will take us to a situation where we can say we are beyond self-sufficiency. So it is not a question of self-reliance or isolation or what-have-you in the vocabulary of many who can only think about third world countries in terms of hunger, famine and crises. That is not the case here in Eritrea. The picture is very clear and definitely we will go beyond self-reliance or even self-sufficiency in terms of food to achieve our goals beyond that limit.
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