Daniel Ngeno
2 November 2007
Windhoek — The difficult road to democratize the DRC, General Nkunda's rebellion, the democratic process, war of aggression, transition period, democratic elections, president Joseph Kabila's reconstruction programmes and General Nkunda's myopic goals
The resumption of armed rebellion in the DRC Easter North Kivu province by a renegade general(General Laurent Nkunda) from the minority Tutsi ethnic group of the DR Congo, poses another huge challenge for a young yet an intelligent president, President Joseph Kabila, and his fragile government.
This rebellion is also a big challenge for SADC, AU, and UN leaders who have been working hard for the sustainability of peace in the Great Lakes Region in general and in DRC in particular.
General Nkunda's reason of waging the rebellious war of protecting his Tutsi ethnic group in DRC does not hold water at all. His Excellency President Joseph Kabila during the interview with the BBC in October 2007 posed this question - If Mr Nkunda is fighting to protect the Tutsi ethnic group in the Kivu province, who is protecting the Tutsi in Kinshasa, Goma and in other provinces of DRC where Mr Nkunda does not have soldiers? This is indeed a legitimate question.
Historical Perspectives
But why there has there been absence of peace and stability in the DRC since independence in 1960? To be able to answer this question and to understand the political conflict that has engulfed the DRC, there is a need to look into the historical background of this huge and resource endowed SADC country.
The Democratic Republic of Congo is situated in the heart of Africa, has an area of 2, 345, 409 square kilometres and a population estimated at 60 million people. DRC boasts having one of the largest deposits of mineral resources in the world and has equally rich forest resources and a fertile soil and lots of rain.
The country shares its borders with 9 countries from the four largest political and linguistic groupings of the African continent which are: Francophone, Anglophone, Lusophone and Arabophone. Islamic and Christianity are the main religions in the country. DRC belongs to various economic communities such as SADC, COMESA and CEAC (Communaute Economique de l'Afrique Centrale). DRC's strategic position is crucial for peace and sustainable development of the African continent.
On the 30th June 2007, the DRC celebrated its 47th year of independence. It is indeed on 30th June 1960 that DRC became a free nation, liberated from the oppressive yolk of colonial dependence and humiliation, but this political freedom has not been easy to maintain in the Congo.
In July 1960, less than a month after gaining political freedom, a tentative partition of the Congo was recorded with the secession of Katanga and South Kasai provinces. It should be noted that this partition was orchestrated by the economic lobby groups of the Western imperialists.
The history has it that in September of the same year (1960), the same western imperialists backed Mobutu Sese Seko in his senseless and brutal actions to destabilize the fragile democratic institutions that were put in place soon after independence.
It was in November 1965 when Mobutu staged a coup and overthrew His Excellency Joseph Kasavubu, the first president of the Congo. We all know what prevailed in Zaire as DRC was known during Mobutu's regime of 32 years with his one party dictatorship.
Democratic Process in DRC
It all started with the end of the cold war and the wind of change that rocked the world in general and the African continent in particular. The wind which brought the system of multiparty democracy. Mobutu tried by all means to block the wind of change but failed. Nobody can stop or control the wind apart from Jesus as recorded in the Bible.
So, at the beginning of 1990, Mobutu bowed down to the wind of change but wouldn't totally give up as he came up with a system of mult-partyism limited to three political parties only.
During that period Mobutu conducted a massive campaign throughout the country hoping to legitimise his system with only three political parties recognized, but the Congolese people rejected his myopic political ambition.
On 24th April 1990, Mobutu had to totally bow down to the multiparty democracy system by allowing any political party formed in the country under specific conditions with the view to hold democratic elections after three years. In a short period of time the country has registered over 400 new political parties, but that was not Mobutu's original plan because he wanted to cling on power forever.
Mobutu's love of power and plundering the Congolese wealth, motivated him to stay in power for another period of seven years and I believe that if the Alliance of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of the Congo (AFDL) led by the late Laurent Desire Kabila did not come on the scene in 1996, Mobutu would have died in power as he was officially suffering from prostate cancer since the early 1980's.
Mobutu's wish was actually to be mourned as a State President and not as a former Head of State. It is known thereafter that Mobutu died while in exile in Morocco in September 1997, exactly four months after he fled the country on 16th May 1997.
The repressive and divisive politics of 32 years of Mobutu's regime plunged the country into a dramatic economic and social situation and has caused untold suffering to the Congolese people.
Barely three months after the arrival of the Alliance Forces for the Liberation of the Congo under the leadership of Mr Laurent Desire Kabila had the country started its economic recovery without any external assistance.
As Desire Kabila refused to bow down to the western imperialists, his vision was contrary to the interests of the western imperialists and could not please them, hence they planned to eliminate him at all costs.
War of Aggression
It is worthwhile to point out that the liberation movement under the leadership of Laurent Desire Kabila consisted of Congolese and Rwandan soldiers who were assisting to overthrow the Mobutu regime.
On 28 July 1998, His Excellency Laurent Kabila' decision to send back home some Rwanda soldiers who participated in the liberation movement was not welcomed by the Rwanda government which had plans not only to partition the eastern part of Congo and annex it to Rwanda but also to control the country's economy and continue the looting which they started while they were in Kinshasa.
Even the Rwanda soldiers who were in Congo were not happy with the decision to return back to Rwanda. They vowed to return after two weeks in order to come and establish a Rwandan government in Kinshasa and rule the DRC. They had western supportive troops based in Congo-Brazzaville ready to intervene in Kinshasa and help the Rwandan soldiers when they returned back to Kinshasa.
On 2nd August 1998, foreign troops from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi invaded the eastern part of the DRC, in Kivu provinces. Provinces bordering Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi were attacked by these foreign troops. That was the beginning of the war of aggression from DR Congo's own African neighbours.
The war of aggression continued until on the 15th August 1998 Rwandan soldiers tried to enter the capital city Kinshasa but faced a strong resistance from the Congolese population from the suburbs areas near the International Airport. No one could stop instant mob justice, unarmed, and they managed to kill a good number of armed Rwandan soldiers, prevented foreign troops from entering Kinshasa and also captured some of the Rwandan soldiers as prisoners of war (PoW).
It was during this time when the foreign enemy troops invaded the DRC that the Angolan soldiers came in to rescue Kinshasa from falling into the enemy's hands, immediately followed by the Zimbabweans and later by our patriotic Namibian Defence Force soldiers from the land of the brave.
After the protracted negotiations, the Rwandan prisoners were released and sent back home. But as soon as they returned to their country they formed a movement called Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) which was formed in Kigali the capital city of Rwanda.
The RCD was formed by the frustrated Rwandan soldiers together with some Rwandan officials who had worked in DRC before. Later on some Congolese citizens joint the RCD which painted a picture of legitimacy that it is indeed a Congolese rebel movement.
The RCD then started the war of atrocity against innocent Congolese people in the eastern part of the country and advanced towards some major towns of the DRC forcing the government to enter into political dialogue with the RCD and other smaller rebel movements. Due to power hungry elements within RCD, the rebel movement split into four different rebel movements such as:
RCD-Goma led by Mr Azaria Ruberwa, RCD-ML (Liberation Movement) led by Mr Mbusa Nyamwisi, RCD-National led by Mr Roger Lumbala and RCD-K (Kisangani) led by Professor Wamba-dia- Wamba.
It is during this war of aggression that H.E. President Laurent Desire Kabila was assassinated on 16th January 2001. Despite the assassination of their president, the Congolese people did not bow down to the outside pressure but continued with the assistance of peace-loving countries such as Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia, to forge ahead with the agenda of protecting the country and working towards sustainable peace and security in the Congo.
For five consecutive years, i.e. 1998 to 2002, there was constant aggression from outside with the sole aim to plunder the wealth of the Democratic Republic of Congo through anarchy and brutal and senseless war. This war has plunged the entire Great Lakes Region into a state of destabilization during the five-year period and continues to have negative effects on the current relations between countries in that region.
The Transition Period
The death of President Laurent Desire Kabila on 16th January 2001 marks the beginning of the new political dispensation for the Congo. Major- General Joseph Kabila, the son of the late Laurent Desire Kabila, was appointed during the extraordinary meeting of the Assembly, as president of the country.
The coming to power of the incumbent president, i.e. President Joseph Kabila, brought hope for peace and stability to the Congolese people. President Joseph Kabila soon after he took over power as State President pledged to do the following: to form a genuine Congolese and republican army, to reconcile Congolese people with themselves, to restore the respect of the authority, to bring peace and stability throughout the country, to lead the Congolese people into democratic elections and to reconstruct and develop the country.
These pledges were not only beneficial to the Congolese but to a large extent to the entire African continent and the SADC region in particular.
President Joseph Kabila, like any other peace-loving leader, was totally opposed to the resumption of the war and strongly believed that there would be no sustainable development in the country without peace.
To realize the objectives he pledged to achieve, he realized that there was a need for him to mellow. He decided to resume political dialogue that was initiated by the leadership of late Laurent Desire Kabila. He went to the extent of rehabilitating former President of Botswana H.E. Ketumire Masire who had been sidelined by the previous administration of Mr Desire Kabila, to resume his role as a mediator in the dialogue.
The four rebel movements from RCD took part in the inter-Congolese dialogue together with the government, the Civil Society, the Mayi-Mayi (the resistant group) and the MLC (Movement for the Congo) of Jean-Pierre Bemba.
All the eight political parties participated in successive negotiations held in Gaborone and Addis Ababa without reaching any agreement. The first consensual agreement was later reached and signed on 19th April 2002 in Sun City, South Africa between the government and the MLC of Jean-Pierre Bemba.
According to the first Sun City Agreement, President Joseph Kabila was to remain Head of State during the transitional period, while Mr Jean-Pierre Bemba was to be appointed Prime Minister of the transitional government.
The National Assembly and Senate were to be led by the RCD and Civil Society respectively, but other parties were not happy with these arrangements and rejected the agreement.
Another round of negotiations took almost two months in Sun City, South Africa in 2003 which led to the signing in April 2003 of the final comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) which was implemented and resulted in holding the democratic elections in July 2006.
During the transition period, President Joseph Kabila made several sacrifices to see his dreams for the country come true.
He accepted a humiliating formula of power sharing that was unique only to the DRC in the entire world i.e. 1:4 (one president and four vice-presidents) in order to put an end to the transition period and legitimise his government.
It was while Heads of States of SADC were busy organizing an international conference for peace in the Great Lakes Region in November 2004 in Tanzania and June 2005 in Kenya, that a neighbouring country, namely Rwanda, was busy arming dissident terrorist troops which were involved in killing, plundering and rape atrocities in eastern DRC.
It is worthwhile to point out that up to that juncture, the Rwanda authority in Kigali had always denied the fact that its armed forces were present in the eastern part of the DRC.
The denial at that point was not surprising because even in 1998 Kigali denied their involvement in DRC but three months later admitted that the Rwandan troops were in DRC.
As like many other Congolese provinces, Kivu where the soldiers of a renegade general Laurent Nkunda are currently committing atrocities, is home to communities that straddle international borders. Kivu's neighbours, however, have all survived from disastrous civil conflicts such as in the cases of Burundi in 1972 and Rwanda in the 1994 genocide.
The year of extermination and the ideology of genocide have gripped the Rwandans and Burundians. People living at the border with DRC have crossed into Kivu province and this gave the potential for extreme violence in the province during August 2002 and fighting broke out between Rwandan and Ugandan troops fighting to control Kisangani.
Imagine two different foreign forces fighting inside another country (DRC) to control one of its major towns just to continue plundering its resources.
Up to May/June 2004, close to 12 000 Rwandan Hutu rebels were still roaming freely on the hills of south Kivu with no significant means or intentional effort to disarm them.
Although these fighters no longer had the strength to represent a genuine security threat for Rwanda, they offered both the incentive and an ideal excuse to remain deeply involved in the political affairs of the two Kivus, i.e. eastern north and south Kivu through the manipulation of frightened Rwandophone communities, commonly known as Banyamulenge, for periodic threats of military intervention.
It was widely acknowledged at that time that the Rwandan governing elite had developed important commercial interests in the Congo and that alone could be sufficient to motivate the Rwandan government to involve itself in the DRC's internal affairs.
Moreover, it was only in Kivu that national and regional forces opposed to the ongoing peace process had the opportunity to confront one another and the Kinshasa government and ultimately weaken the transition.
Spoilers, Congolese and non-Congolese alike, who had nothing to gain from a successful transition concluded by free and fair elections, regularly manipulated the chronic ethnic political tensions in Kivu to contest some of its key components such as territorial reunification of the country, the transfer of tax revenues from provincial authorities to Kinshasa, the Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) of militias and the creation of a national army under a unified command structure which were basically President Joseph Kabila's targets.
Dissenting Elements
Since the beginning of the transition, dissenting elements of the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD) had resisted reunification simply because of the fear that it would be the ultimate loser, despite some gains it had made during the inter-Congolese dialogue. All those facts contributed to loss of momentum in the peace process.
Towards the end of 2003, Rwanda resumed military support to several Kivu militias and generally promoted a rebellious environment in Goma and Bukavu and that gave some of its old allies the understanding that they could maintain the status quo.
Despite some disarmament, demobilization and reintegration progress in the following few months, including the voluntary disarmament of a few key Hutu rebel leaders, Kigali had given the impression that the restoration of effective Congolese sovereignty generally or of Kinshasa's authority was not in its interests in that particular political context.
The crisis was far from over. The international community and its principal representative, the UN Mission for Congo (MONUC) failed to develop a strategy that could radically change the environment of political competition.
But President Joseph Kabila being young and intelligent, would not give up and the transition government demonstrated that it was capable of finding political solutions by taking the necessary decisions. For example, with the law on nationality and amnesty, the Banyamulenge were granted Congolese citizenship.
The government also called on the international community to put pressure on the Rwanda authority to cease all hostilities and involvement in the internal affairs of the DRC whether through its own armed forces or by supplying arms to rebels.
Of late, a rebel group headed by General Laurent Nkunda is trying to destabilize the Kivu provinces but I believe that General Nkunda's rebel forces will not succeed in any way.
Politically, General Nkunda is trying to make his own point but militarily he is the big joke of the century driven by political myopism in a jungle of dark dreams.
Democratic, Free and Fair Elections in DRC
The year 2006's elections were part and parcel of a long process resulting from a series of agreements concluded over the previous seven years, including the Lusaka Cease-fire Agreement of 1999 in which former President Masire played a major role, the Pretoria and Luanda Agreements of 2002 and the Sun City Agreement of April 2003. The DRC Independent Electoral Commission was also established after the signing of the Sun City Agreement of April 2003.
The materialization of this process started with the registration of about 25,6 million voters back in June 2005, followed by a constitutional referendum and the new constitution was adopted by more than 80% of the registered Congolese voters.
The success of these elections in promoting the democratic process lies in the foundation of voter participation, with involvement of women. The run-up to the presidential elections saw five women out of 33 registered presidential candidates vying for the presidency.
As for the parliamentary elections, 9,707 candidates were competing for 500 parliamentary seats. Despite the peace that prevailed at that time, about two weeks before the set date for the elections, 19 presidential candidates were calling for political talks as a prerequisite to hold the elections. These candidates even threatened to boycott the elections if the talks were not held but the election process at that point was irreversible and there was no time left for further talks.
The Congolese people were eager to go to the polls and grab this historical opportunity with both hands to choose their leaders through the ballot boxes. There was a lot of excitement and anticipation among the registered voters 80% of whom had never voted since they were below the age of 50 years at independence and those elections were the first after more than 45 years since independence. The 30th of July 2006 presidential and parliamentary elections were made possible with huge financial support from the international community that invested some U$420 million which was pumped into the election exercise.
With regard to peace, law and order, apart from 17,500 UN peace-keeping forces, there were 1,450 troops from the EU Special Force (EUFOR)and some 50 000 Congolese police officers especially trained to maintain peace during that highly sensitive period.
Another 2,000 European Special Force troops were stationed in Libreville of Gabon with the aim to intervene as a robust force anytime in case of hostility.
Despite the excitement of the population to go for elections, there were fears of escalating violence because of the tense atmosphere that reigned during weeks of campaigning when clashes were monitored between the government armed forces and MLC forces of Mr Jean-Pierre Bemba, especially in the capital city Kinshasa.
Fortunately, the Congolese people surprised everyone by turning out in large numbers on the 30th of July 2006 to cast their vote in a peaceful and dignified manner. This high turnout for elections was praised by the international observation missions in DRC.
The results of the first round caused the Congolese people to return to the polls for the second round on the 29th October 2006 to choose between President Joseph Kabila who got 44,81% in the first round and Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba who obtained 20, 03%. The Congolese people showed the same maturity and commitment although the turnout was slightly less compared to the first round.
The Congolese Independent Electoral Commission is also to be commended for a job well done in handling the elections in a vast country the size of Western Europe but with little infrastructure. After the second round of elections only the MLC of Mr Bemba rejected the results because the party believed that Mr Bemba won the first round of the presidential race with more than 70% based on the results of polling stations in Kinshasa alone, and that made them believe that Mr Bemba should be declared the winner.
They believed that nothing else could justify the holding of a second round of presidential elections. But if they had genuine complaints, they had to lodge it with the Supreme Court but that did not happen as there was no legitimate claim to that effect.
In the Sun City Agreement there is a clause under which the integration of all armed forces is dealt with. This means that, during the transitional period, forces from RCD/Goma of Vice-President Ruberwa, from MLC of Mr Jean-Pierre Bemba, from RCD/ML of Mr Mbusa Nyamwisi, from RCD/N of Roger Lumbala and the Mayi-Mayi were to merge with the Congolese armed forces to form one national army.
But when the leaders from the former rebel movement were to relocate to the capital city, they raised fear for their security and it was agreed that some of their respective forces should continue guarding them. It was the reason why Mr Jean-Pierre Bemba had his own forces guarding him 24/7.
Outright Winner
After the second round of elections but before the release of the results the MLC forces of Mr Bemba positioned themselves all around the Independent Electoral Commission offices in a bid to stop the IEC Chairperson from announcing the results.
But the IEC Chairperson found his way to the National TV station late at night with the assistance of MONUC (the UN Mission to DRC) in order to announce the election results where President Joseph Kabila was declared outright winner.
On Monday, 21st August 2006, the same MLC forces abducted, again, two more soldiers from the Presidential Special Guard Unit and started shelling the National Palace (the DRC State House). It is interesting to know that it was at that specific time that diplomats from the International Commission who were interested in the Congolese transition (CIAT) were holding a meeting with Mr Jean-Pierre Bemba at his residence.
President Joseph Kabila, the sole custodian of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo, ordered the Congolese armed forces to put an end to the disorder and anarchy that MLC forces were bringing into the capital city Kinshasa.
The disorder by the MLC forces was fuelled by M. Bemba. Mr Bemba's campaign was centred on threats, hatred and acts of violence from his forces. For instance, on two occasions in Tshikapa (Kasai Province) and Tshela (Bas-Congo Province), it is recorded that Mr Bemba stated that if he was not elected as president, he would set Kinshasa ablaze.
Thereafter his speech encouraged his supporters to go to the extent of demolishing a church building, and looted the office of the High Authority of Media (HAM) and the headquarters of popular singer Werrason.
In the process it was reported that they raped some women working for HAM and killed four of the policemen who were guarding the premises.
On 27 July 2006 in Kinshasa, not only did Mr Jean Pierre Bemba repeat the same hatred speeches but he also urged people to cheat by voting for him twice or thrice using colour photocopiers to multiply their voter registration cards.
His campaign speeches of hatred were totally the opposite of President Joseph Kabila's campaign strategy. President Joseph Kabila went around the country talking about unity, peace, stability and reconstruction of the country for the benefit of all the Congolese.
It has been proven that the incumbent president showed his willingness, commitment and determination to see the democratic process successfully completed in the country with the holding of free, fair, democratic and peaceful elections.
The democratic process however was irreversible despite all obstacles in the way and the Congolese people were eager to see a new political dispensation taking place in the country so that they could start the programmes of national reconstruction in all areas of the DRC. They successful achieved their objectives.
Today, the government of national unity, the two chambers of parliament i.e. the National Assembly and the Senate are in place. The Parliament is led by the former Secretary General of the PPRD, President Kabila's political party, and the Senate by a former Prime Minister of the Mobutu regime.
The governor and provincial ministers have been elected. The Independent Electoral Commission was awaiting a new piece of legislation, i.e. the law on the decentralization of the country that should enable it to organize the final stage of local government and municipal elections sometime next year (2008) to complete the process.
President Joseph Kabila's Reconstruction Programmes
President Kabila has set five sectors as his priorities to tackle the ambitious programme of reconstruction of the country. These are called five reconstruction sites, which are:
- The rehabilitation and development of infrastructure;
- Employment;
- Education;
- Water and electricity for all; and,
- Health.
To that effect the DRC government under the efficient leadership of President Kabila is determined to:
- Speed up army reforms to consolidate peace, stability and national unity;
- Restore the state authority and good governance;
- Embark on a programme of economic recovery and stability;
- Fight against poverty, social inequalities and HIV/AIDS; and,
- Restore the family and moral values.
For that ambitious programme to succeed, the DRC needs the support of all peace loving countries from the East, West, North and South. There is a good micro- and macro-environment conducive for conducting business.
At the moment there are many investors from South Africa and it seems that the Namibian business community is not well informed about the DRC business potential for a number of business sectors.
General Nkunda's Myopic Goals
Despite all the efforts by the government of President Joseph Kabila to restore peace and stability this did not satisfy General Laurent Nkunda.
General Nkunda's actions to take up arms against his own people went too far. He is not only risking his own life but the lives of innocent followers and the lives of ordinary Congolese, especially women and children who are enduring long and dangerous walks in the Congo jungles day and night to flee the fighting.
Protecting the Tutsi ethnic group in DRC, Mr Nkunda has become a pathological bluffer. His real motive for waging the cowardly war is not to protect the DRC Tutsis but rather using Tutsis as a cover to evade arrest by the International Criminal Court (ICC) which intends to arrest him to face trial for the many atrocities he and his followers have committed against the Congolese people during the previous war.
It seems to me that General Nkunda has outside military and political backing. Where does he get weapons and other military hardware? There is no single fabric to manufacture guns and ammunitions in the whole DRC but General Nkunda so far has managed to arm and feed his followers well to a level of a powerful group of thugs strong enough to resist the government forces' attacks.
When he was asked by the BBC as to how he felt about the government of President Joseph Kabila's plan to lodge a military offensive against his forces, General Nkunda confidently replied: "We will not surrender but are ready to defend ourselves."
Interestingly, there is no condemnation from the western powers since General Nkunda resumed the rebellion. Women and children are on a constant run in that part of the country. The strength of MONUC (the UN peacekeeping force) on the ground is weak and ill equipped to deal with Nkunda's senseless and barbaric atrocities. Do we need to sit down and look at fellow Africans killing each other? Why are we arming Nkunda? What is it that General Nkunda is trying to achieve with his barbaric actions?
Where is the United States of America which had helped Mobutu to loot and plunder the Congolese wealth? The Mobutu reign of 32 years with the assistance from the west, particularly from the US, is to blame for the current conflict in the Congo. In 1989 Mobutu was officially hosted by George Bush at the White House in Washington DC and this is what George Bush, the former US president said:
"Zaire is among America's oldest friends and its president, President Mobutu, one of our valued friends in the entire continent of Africa. I found President Mobutu's analysis valuable and we support him as he strives to resolve peacefully its problems. We thank him for his leadership and we are proud and very pleased to have him with us today."
Oldest friend in what? A good question indeed, but with a sad answer. Oldest friend in looting and plundering the Congolese wealth. General Laurent Nkunda should understand that there is no going back to the days of Mobutu, and neither of his myopic goals will be realized.
The negotiations that he is trying to call is a big joke because nobody sent him into the bush but himself because of his cowardliness in facing the reality of his deeds and to stand trial for the atrocities he has committed.
To President Joseph Kabila and the entire Congolese population: Aluta Continua. Victory is certain!!
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Some further questions to Daniel Ngeno Windhoek. You mention the qualities of Joseph Kabila during his rule in DRC. I can find none. On this ocasion I should like to draw your attention to the late general Alexander Lebed of Russia who was killed in a helicopter crash. In the conflict of Djnester Republik he managed peace with dissidents to the wellbeeing of both sides. In the case of Tshetshnia there exists the world famous picture when he sits at table playing chess with dissident Basajew. But what happens during rule of Putin? Endless bloodshed! Joseph Kabila tells the world that he would couper les bras of politicians mixing up with his army. His army is known as a looting and lawless gang. He is unfortunately backed bei MONUC. UN is knwon in DRC ever since as a corupt institution. My father was staff of UN in DRC and turned off disgusted because of coruption in 1959. On this ocasion I demand answer of whereabout of FRANCK SANDO KANDA DIAMALA who seems to be disappeared in the jails of Joseph Kabila. Not the only one. Yours Reinhard Stranz
Has the editor learnt nothing from the bloody reign of king Leopold 2? Blaming one another makes no sense at all and is part of the campain to wage war between the tribes so as to get hold of the riches of DRC. Colonialism contains the aim to plunder Africa and there has nothing changed since 500 years. The actors for this reside in the european, US-american regions. In this club of exploiters has joined China. There strategy to get hold of the riches of DRC started with construction of railway through Tansania to Goma. Not enough, they organised a putsch against Laurent Deiré Kabila and the China educated Joseph Kabila killed his father. Now they appear and give Joseph Kabila a 5 Billion $ loan without interest. This has nothing to do with proletarian internationalism as to use language of communist party of China but with the policy of Colonialists to cheat Africans with glass pearls. True proletarian internationalism means, those 5 Billion $ would be a gift to DRC. Same is that action of elections. They give by no means not one peace of bread or lumps of manioc. The editor jubilates about Joseph Kabila. But what about his atrocities during his actions in eastern Congo during reign of his father? He is just the same a candidate for international court in DenHaag. A very genuine document of his intentions has ben published in AllAfrica. So he wants "couper les bras" to those politics who want to turn his army into an instrument to legal an controlled instance of civilisation, to stop murder of journalists an critics there and abuse of human rights. All imperialists have soon discovered, that Joseph Kabila would continue the job of Mobutu. So he continues to rob the riches of DRC by imperialists. Those contracts are meanwhile subject to investigation. Nothing of those robbed billions come to the good of the people in DRC but to Joeph Kabila. His father integrated peasants in his government so as to stop hunger.The idea of creating a united front of workers, peasants und soldiers so as to selfsustainable create a growing economy just like J.W: Stalin during the war of Germany against the Sowjet Union, would give way to flourishing DRC. But what happened? With all this glasspearls war, hunger and death has gained dimensions worse than before those socalld peace talks and democracy imported by imperialists. Congolese people will carefully watch who and what has brought wealth to them and where in the world wealth to the people has come. Once the courtains of propaganda and illusions have been torn away, the awareness for this will grow and all this wellwishers will be kicked out of DRC like it was the case with Belgians during Patrice Lumumba. The congolese people have great experience with colonialists and neocolonialists. They will apply this and very soon discover who is puppet if imperialists or not. The author of this article, I am convinced will very soon draw conclusions from his surface analysis and stop cherishing such people who have blood at their fingers, blood of those many tortured Africans by colonialism. Blood which has poured so as to rob the riches Africa. Uhuru!