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Botswana: Mogae, Nchindo - Friends Are Not Forever

Gideon Nkala

9 January 2008

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opinion

Louis Nchindo has been described not just as President Festus Mogae's friend but a confidante. Nchindo has never served in the inner party politics. He ostensibly holds no credentials as a 'civil servant' in the government bureaucracy but his influence in government is said to have been legendary. He was not only a kingmaker but he has had the ear of the presidency than many can ever claim to have had.

It is public knowledge that Nchindo was first among Mogae's many friends. Urban legend has it that it was Nchindo who brokered the deal to coax Vice-President Ian Khama from the army barracks to be annointed as Mogae's deputy.

In good times, when long hearty laughter pierced through the rich aroma of cigars, exotic smoke and good wines, men and women who referred to Nchindo in venerated names talked about how Nchindo saved Mogae from the clutches of politicians such as Ponatshego Kedikilwe who could have been Vice President in 1998 when Sir Ketumile Masire retired from office and possibly challenged him for the presidency in an open party contest to snatch the baton from him.

Those in the know talk about Nchindo, the midwife who helped stabilise Mogae's turbulent formative years as president.

Like friends naturally do, Nchindo and Mogae must have shared secrets or as the political euphemism goes; they confided in each other.

It would perhaps be revealing too much that Mogae and Nchindo as friends shared the luxuries of life, the finer things and the rough spots that each had been through.

Lately, there have been indications that the relationship between Nchindo and Mogae was strained.

Mogae did not renew Nchindo's contract when it ended in 2004. And as if in spite, Mogae appointed Kedikilwe as minister of minerals overlooking Debswana - for a man that was regarded as a pariah, this must be quite an achievement to be shepherding Debswana at a time when Nchindo is being hauled before the courts.

At a media cocktail hosted by President Mogae at the State House in December last year, President Mogae could have given an indication that he had fallen out with his one-time bosom friend.

"Ke ne ke laleditswe ke tsala ya me ya mohumi Mochindo," Mogae told the media about a party that they had in Kasane at the invitation of Nchindo.

There was, of course, some discernible sarcasm on the 'tsala ya me ya mohumi' - my rich friend. The name Nchindo was corrupted to Mochindo, not once but twice at least.

There was laughter all around the State House gardens at the president's sense of humour, but this could have been Mogae's way of communicating a relationship that had comatosed to the point that he could not even bring himself to pronounce the name of a former friend.

On January 31, when the two meet in court - if their relationship has not irretrievably broken down - it would certainly go for the last litmus test.

In the upcoming case against Nchindo and other former employees of Debswana, Mogae is listed as one of those people that Nchindo had deceived in a bid to acquire state land in Gaborone. It stands to reason that if count II is to stand, legal experts say President Mogae would have to give evidence in court against his former friend.

In litigation, friends that find themselves in opposing corners become adversaries and their friendship is replaced by hostility.

The 'Mogae-Nchindo relationship' is seen as a duel that could offer a peep not just into the goings on at Debswana but the personal relationship that defined public policy.

There is a possibility, just a possibility, that a scorned relationship could reveal some things that have been nothing more than perception and gossip.

As a major corporation, Debswana is linked to everything. Although it has not been proven, it has been suggested that Debswana could be the mystery donor that bankrolled the ruling Botswana Democratic Party. Every election year the party buys new Toyota vehicles for every parliamentary constituency much to the chagrin of the paupers that the opposition parties are.

For a long time, there has been speculation that either Debswana or another corporation sponsored the BDP to hire the South African political consultant, Lawrence Schlemner to try and diagnose the BDP's elections' ailments and suggest a remedy.

It was he who prescribed the Khama remedy to the BDP when the army commander was still in his army uniform. With a scorned Nchindo in the dock, there is a possibility that these and many other issues could be ventilated.

...there is a possibility that the case could force these skeletons to come tumbling down.

...there is a possibility that the nation would get to know why Gaborone Central MP Dumelang Saleshando was fired from First National Bank when he served the bank as an employee. And who had deposited a hefty cheque in the coffers of the BDP at the time when Saleshando was an employee at the bank?

In fact, there is talk that there have been delegations to President Mogae to use his executive powers and kill the corruption case because it has the potential to embarrass Botswana's equivalent of the USA's 'Good Old Party'. For now, this seems to have been resisted. But for how long?

Some would still remember that a mouthwatering encounter between President Mogae and Phandu Skelemani who was then Attorney General was negotiated at the doorstep of court. Even with a charge sheet completed, there is a possibility that officials could start to think about grander things like saving the party, the integrity of corporations that would be soiled and even protecting egos to put a lid on this case. Just a possibility.

It is not known when Mogae will come to court while he is still in office and take the cue from former South African President, Nelson Mandela who gave evidence in the Louis Luyt case. Mandela was ruffled during cross-examination. The Mogae-Nchindo relationship is not the only one that would be put to the test. Vice-President Ian Khama is one of those that is said to have been deceived by Nchindo.

There is every possibility that Khama, who by then could have ascended to the presidency, might come to the witness box. Perhaps not in the same intimacy as Mogae, Khama is also said to be Nchindo's friend. Like Nchindo, Khama is known to be an environment and tourism enthusiast.

Khama is certainly aware of the role that Nchindo played in catapulting him to the vice presidency, and some say he is somewhat gracious for that gesture. As an incoming president, he is equally aware of what the attitudes of the public, politicians and Batswana are on issues such as corruption.

If indeed it is true that Debswana is a sponsor of the BDP, and Nchindo spills the beans, Khama, as the future President could be worried about the publicity and the possible continuation of such a sponsorship from the same source.

But when all has been said and done, the reality is that Khama's name appears on the charge sheet and it is highly probable that the investigators and prosecutors would not have put his name on the charge sheet without his consultation and consent to be 'a possible witness'.

The other relationship that comes under the spotlight is that of Mogae's legal and political advisor, Sidney Pilane and one of the accused, Jacob Sesinyi. Sesinyi is Pilane's son-in-law.

Pilane is supposed to be the first port of call on legal matters that affect his boss, President Mogae. Would Pilane advise the president to go ahead and give evidence that would forsake Nchindo and possibly his son -in-law?

Parks Tafa, a senior partner at Collins and Newman, is Nchindo's lawyer and although Debswana is not a complainant on this matter, he has previously acted for Debswana, the former employers of Nchindo, from whom he is alleged to have stolen. As a BDP key attorney, he faces the prospect of listening to some inner BDP secret traded in the public domain.

There is a perception, perhaps very wrong, that the spotlight would be on Nchindo and what he has to say than on his co-accused who are generally viewed as collateral damage. One thing however is clear, that when this case goes before court, it will rank among the biggest that ever took place and it might leave the corporate and political topography torpedoed.

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