Financial Gazette (Harare)
21 February 2008
editorial
Harare — MOVEMENT for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, has sent the clearest sign yet that his political formation will not forge an alliance with anyone formidable enough to brighten up the prospects of deposing President Robert Mugabe who, at 84, incredibly still wants to extend his rule by another five years.
Tsvangirai, who has put up a brave fight against ZANU-PF since 1999, when the MDC was formed, has accumulated, as evidence of his sacrifice and determination to end ZANU-PF's rule, court and police records, scars and emotional bruises the naked eye cannot see.
But today, and rightly so, the MDC leader is under a barrage of criticism for closing the door on what appeared to be a godsend for the opposition to eclipse ZANU-PF on March 29.
After giving the nod to the 18th Constitutional Amendments, which have had the effect of increasing the number of rural constituencies -- known to be ZANU-PF's strongholds -- MDC backers were expecting Tsvangirai to move with lightning speed to close ranks with the Arthur Mutambara-led faction to atone for the opposition's error of judgment, but alas.
The collapse of the MDC talks early in month had all but sealed the fractured opposition party's fate until two weeks ago when Simba Makoni broke ranks with ZANU-PF to add an interesting twist to the Presidential race, whose outcome had looked certain to go in President Mugabe's favour.
Mutambara, whose inner cabal, comprising Gibson Sibanda, Welshman Ncube and Paul Themba-Nyathi, has been in the trenches together with Tsvangirai from the formative years of the MDC, has thrown his weight behind the former finance minister, but Tsvangirai looked determined last week to go it alone.
Tsvangirai was quoted saying Makoni was merely "old wine in a new bottle," and that "fundamental differences" between them meant that they could not sing from the same hymn sheet.
In our humble opinion, Tsvangirai has hoisted himself as the epitome of a change crusader and the country's only hope. He sees no one else, other than himself, leading the struggle to bring about change in Zimbabwe.
It would appear that his judgment has been clouded to a point where he is now failing to draw the line between sectional/personal interests and the broader objective that should crystallise a coalition.
While we hold no brief for the MDC or Makoni, we believe that the need to minimise suffering among the people should bring the so-called progressive forces together rather than for the opposition to be kept poles apart by issues of style, form and approach to the achievement of the underlying objective.
The MDC might find itself perpetually in opposition if it cannot rise above self-serving interests and if it cannot put the interests of the people before everything else.
If Tsvangirai was able to rope in a wider spectrum of interest groups in 1999, what are the "fundamental differences" making an alliance with Makoni impossible?
If Tsvangirai can work with Jonathan Moyo, the architect of the draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, and a rabid critic of the MDC during his days in President Mugabe's Cabinet, why should it be so difficult for him to embrace Makoni?
Joshua Nkomo, the PF-ZAPU leader, exhibited rare leadership qualities when he accepted to subordinate himself to President Mugabe in order to end the Gukurahundi massacres. Up to this day, the late vice-President is a hero in Zimbabwe and beyond.
While ZANU-PF's backers are interpreting Mutambara's gesture to mean he lacks the leadership qualities to run the country, his decision should be seen more as a show of political maturity and an accurate reading of what needed to be done under the circumstances.
No one doubts Tsvangirai's sincerity in the struggle to bring about change in Zimbabwe and while it may be premature to pass a verdict on him, history might judge the opposition leader harshly for capitulating at the last hour by lacking a strategic mind and becoming a prisoner of his "kitchen cabinet", which seems to be driven by selfish interests.
After coming close to pipping President Mugabe at the post in 2000 and 2002, when the MDC was still a formidable force before being riven by internal conflicts, which led to the October 2005 split, the writing should be on the wall for Tsvangirai.
A coalition of all opposition parties makes a lot of sense and it is not too late for Tsvangirai to change course, neither would it be taken as confirmation of allegations that he is an "indecisive" leader.
Rallying behind Makoni's candidature might win the opposition support from ZANU-PF members disgruntled with the economic tsunami unfolding right under their noses, the youth, intellectuals and the business community, which has long castigated the ruling party's Soviet Union-style running of the country's economy.
By refusing to embrace other progressive forces, Tsvangirai is no different from a captain of a losing team who protests at the entry of a super-substitute for fear that the fresh pair of legs might steal the show.
As it is, the MDC leader is playing straight into ZANU-PF's hands, unless of course, his intention is to beat Abdoulaye Wade, the Senegalese President's record of being one of the longest serving opposition leaders after he ran for president four times before he was elected in 2000.
Perhaps Tsvangirai should revisit the comment he made in July last year in reaction to his nemesis' accusation that he was a "weak and indecisive leader."
This is what Tsvangirai said: "We need unity of all progressive forces in this country. The enemy is not Tsvangirai. The enemy is (President) Mugabe. If you focus on Tsvangirai, urikupedzera matombo pazvidhiidhii."
It should never be about Tsvangirai.
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