Nkendem Forbinake
22 February 2008
In nearly 20 years, the opposition has persistently lost ground, failing to make inroads into CPDM strongholds.
What can explain the fact that nearly 20 years after the introduction of multiparty politics, a single party, the CPDM, should still be so strong? The answer cannot be so easy, especially in a context where the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement has not only had a bed of roses before it. The socio-economic environment has not been necessarily favourable to keep the same political party in power. And yet, the CPDM today commands an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly just as its representatives run over 330 of the nation's 360-odd municipalities, from north to south and from east to west.
The CPDM is the successor of the CNU. And as a single party in the one-party political configuration of the pre-1990 period, one could have expected a smooth sail when the first multiparty elections, in earnest, were organized in 1992. The CPDM found itself in a minority situation with only 88 seats out of the 180 in the National Assembly, necessitating it to strike an allowance with the MDR, which held six seats, to enable it to govern.
All seemed set for a new form of political life at that time. Whereas the opposition parties seemed all too excited about their political importance, the CPDM got down to work to correct its political errors. Since then the party has continued to improve its performance with each coming election. To the extent that today it commands a crying majority in public office only similar to what obtained in the heydays of the one-party state.
In the first legislative election of 1992 and the subsequent presidential election of the same year in which the winner, President Biya and his runner-up, John Fru NDi of the opposition SDF were separated by less than five per cent of the popular vote, the opposition went into irresponsible chest-beating, forgetting to consolidate its gains or, at least, continuing to preach the message that projected it into the frontlines.
One can safely say that the opposition is largely responsible for the field strength of the CPDM today; even though the recurrent cry about election results is blamed on the inefficiency and the competence and independence of bodies that have organized elections so far.
Why has the CPDM continued to harvest so lavishly in the opposition camp? First, opposition parties are too many and varied in their attempts and strategies to conquer power. There is too much greed, with each of the leaders of the four-odd principal opposition leaders laying almost a natural claim to leadership of the opposition. Numerous attempts to unite them are proof of this greed which plays into the hands of the CPDM.
The CPDM also enjoys the strength of incumbency where the opposition shines with its inability to propose viable political options for the electorate. In an atmosphere of generalized poverty, people generally hesitate jumping into the wild. They would rather go in for tangible offers.
Within the opposition milieu itself, there is very little democracy and tolerance. The very fact that the same leaders have remained in office since the creation of political parties and the difficulties in replacing them (even through the most democratic means) is indicative of the deficit of tolerance and change which should characterize any dynamic movement. How many opposition political parties accept dissenting or critical opinion from within? This is also an important factor that weakens the opposition. Here, the CPDM has generally posited a posture of tolerance and containment.
The weak financial base of many political parties does not usually make for a broad-spectrum deployment across the national territory. In numerous cases the CPDM, because of its wide geographical spread, has not even found opponents!
In this kind of background, the CPDM is bound to be very strong and leave an image of a political party that cannot be beaten. The opposition must take into account these numerous factors in building any strategies that may end in the eventual fall of the CPDM. Otherwise, the CPDM will continue to remain unbeatable a situation that does not necessarily speak well for Cameroon's democracy or for the aspiration of the people to see change come through elections.
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The CPDM has disenfranchised the people by using their incumbency to manipulate the elections. The fact that to this day they have not be able to yield to pressure from the Cameroonian people and other international communities to create and independent election commission is testimony that. How do you expect Paul Biya and his cronies to organize elections and lose? At the same time, the opposition need to unite in order to win this fight.