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Uganda: Museveni's HIV Remarks May Be Disruptive
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The Monitor (Kampala)
OPINION
21 March 2008
Posted to the web 21 March 2008
Augustin Ruzindana
Kampala
This week, HIV/Aids was not my topic. But the insensitivity of President Museveni's statement calling for a death sentence for people who spread the virus, cannot go unchallenged. He has implicitly called for the stigmatisation, discrimination and shunning of persons infected with HIV/Aids.
The proviso of "knowingly" is of no relevance. This is a virus which is spread in so many ways. I am sure he has relatives, subordinates and thousands of citizens infected with the virus and many of them have succumbed to death.
As a policy statement at a recognition ceremony, this is terrible but not unexpected of him. Museveni has done the same with regard to some political opponents whom he has called traitors, thus by implication calling for a death sentence against them since treason calls for a mandatory death sentence.
Terminal solutions are habitual to him. Society should instead be urged to be understanding and find ways to protect the people who have been unfortunate to get the virus. Meanwhile those helping to manage the problem should now go out to educate the public to deal with the likely adverse effects of Museveni's pronouncement. Some people may now be discouraged from taking tests or those who know their status may be afraid of disclosing it since they may be shunned.
I hope no Bill will be rushed to Parliament to put into effect the import of the unfortunate statement. In the last article, I dealt with the context for the review of the representation of the special interest groups whose mode of representation predates the coming into force of the 1995 Constitution and the recently introduced multiparty dispensation. Special interest groups were part of the National Resistance Council (NRC) and the Local Councils (LCs).
They were then incorporated into the 1995 Constitution under which the same Movement political system continued to operate. They have been inappropriately incorporated into the multiparty system without modification.
The elimination of the two term presidential limits had the unintended effect of leading to the adoption of a multiparty system. This explains the contradictions in the practical operation of the new political system in place.
On the one hand, there is an attempt to maintain political monopoly on power (and the rampant corruption that goes with it) in a manner typical to one-party systems while on the other hand, there is implementation of some level of economic and public sector reforms. These contradictions need to be eliminated for a multiparty to be properly established and operate fairly and smoothly.
For a system to be considered democratic, it must combine three essential conditions: Meaningful competition for political power among individuals and organisations; inclusive participation in the selection of leaders and policies through free and fair elections; a level of civil and political liberties sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation.
Even though fairly adequate legal and institutional frameworks are in place, there is no meaningful competition for political power, there are no free and fair elections and the level of civil and political liberties is insufficient to ensure the integrity of the processes that take place. This was highlighted by the categorical judgements of the Supreme Court which declared that the 2001 and 2006 presidential elections were a fraud.
In the face of this crisis of legitimacy, the regime has failed to inspire a sense of shared identity among all the diverse peoples of the country by ensuring the participation of all groups in the affairs of the state as well as equity in the sharing of its resources. This is the impetus for the demands of self-determination, otherwise known as "federo" and the creation of so many minute identity-based districts.
Ethnic and cultural identities have been mobilised for political purposes but then the fact that some ethnic groups feel excluded, disempowered and vulnerable has galvanised a counter mobilisation for justice and equity.
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Government is responding with intimidation and violence, but this course of action just exacerbates the problems of lack of legitimacy.
As the options for government to manoeuvre get fewer and fewer, it becomes increasingly difficult to continue pretending to be democratic with increasing harassment of the political opposition. Thus the crisis of legitimacy can only escalate, even as Gadaffi, sensing the problem facing his protégé, tries to shore up his declining fortunes.
The writer is the FDC party secretary for research and policy
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