Major O.J.H Oswaggo
23 March 2008
opinion
Nairobi — The second liberation, which ushered political pluralism in Kenya, presented a paradox.
Without the demonstrated resolve of the United States and Europe, in particular, the vanguard role by the Americans, the Kanu regime kleptocracy and dictatorship would still be here. Thus, Kenya had to depend on ex-colonisers and imperialists to gain freedom and democracy from its leaders.
The much vaunted Young Turks, now struggling to cleanse perceptions of tribalism, were no match for the Kanu machine.
The West, post 1989, with the unipolar US leadership, felt sufficiently confident not only to spread its ideology of economic globalisation but to impose its cultural values; democracy, or at least its multiparty variant included.
That was the first paradox: our perceived historical tormentors turning liberators for the masses suffocating under indigenous monsters. For Kenya, the second paradox, occurred post December 27, last year. Without the unambiguous resolve and coherence of the West, Kenya would have tripped over the cliff into unspeakable genocide and balkanisation. It would have generated regional conflagration that would have spread to neighbouring countries. The West saved us.
But, this triumph of Western vision and leadership, calls for scant celebration. The West is responsible because it failed to superintend the second liberation of the late 1990s and early 2000s, to its logical conclusion.
The West falsely equated multi-party elections with democratic pluralism, the establishment of anti-corruption commissions with indigenous revulsion to graft, that a statutory electoral commission has certain minimal inviolable values, that removal of term limits for Presidents inculcates notions of limited government, that natives understand and respect equity in resource distribution and equated vibrant civil society with civic consciousness etc.
If the West had exploited the fuller advantages presented by the retreats of dictatorship then, perhaps, Kenya would not have experienced the recent dislocation, tears and blood. This time round, the West must fashion an effective long-term strategic vision to avoid a future relapse. It must have an agenda that transcends mere absence of violence and coalition governance. It must seek to secure long-term security, which requires stability of institutions and equity.
Key issues
Security will be elusive unless there is widespread prosperity. The West must persevere in these, even for its own credibility. We apologise, but cannot renounce this position, if it sounds paternalistic. This is reality.
At a minimum, the diplomatic community must stay engaged and focused on the following:
- Exert unrelenting attention to ensure that a new constitutional dispensation is enacted, without influencing its internal design. This includes oversight on the electoral reform, greater autonomy for Parliament, a more activist Controller and Auditor General, among other important positions.
- Stay close to the implementation of the coalition arrangement. This coalition structure, besides being new and unfamiliar, is also unwelcome in some extremist and powerful constituencies and is therefore amenable to sabotage.
- The Kenya Civil Society, once vibrant and nationalist, is now thoroughly infested with corruption and is too pliant to authority. Since it derives most of its financing from the West, it behoves the same to institute a more rigorous criteria for resource availability and other support and to insist that the Agenda remain focused on governance and accountability.
- Part of the cause for the post-election violence is poverty. Kenya risks missing the Millennium Development Goals target by 2015 and, therefore, Jeffery Sachs 2025 end of poverty goals. Missing MDGs suggests missing 2030 dateline for Kenya to join medium income ranks. The global partners must sustain interest with the above in mind.
- Vision 2030 is critical to the West in another strategic sense. Poverty breeds intolerance and fundamentalism, the breeding environment for terrorism and failed states. The phenomenon of failed states can be contagious. A failed Kenyan state would negatively influence neighbouring states towards equal failure. Cumulatively, this presents global security problems of dire dimensions. The West must facilitate, to the extent possible, feasibility of strategic targets such as vision 2030. The facilitation should not be through an avalanche of cash but a responsible global trade regime and proactive transfer of technology to improve competitiveness.
- The West must be sensitive to the adverse effects of globalisation in Kenya and elsewhere. This is, at least, to secure our long-term identity.
In summary, the recent fulsome and highly commendable engagement of Kenya's development partners was intended to ensure that Kenya does not unravel. This broad aim cannot be achieved in one short term shuttle diplomacy and credible arm-twisting.
The broader objective must be to ensure Kenya's long term security, which itself, demands equity and prosperity, and, national economic competitiveness.
This broad objective transcends regime change. It demands greater trade not aid, enhanced productivity and competitiveness, not abundant charity and creation of durable institutions, not mere symbolism.
The writer is a lawyer and management consultant.
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