allAfrica.com: Botswana: Halt the Army, Save the Money And Democracy (Page 1 of 3)

There should be heightened vigilance on the part of the constituency among the Batswana which seeks to uphold the ideal on which the country's democracy was founded following the deliberate and calculated incursion of soldiers into civilian politics.

There has been adequate warning that a drift towards entrenchment of the military and royalty upon the arena of democratic governance, which must, by definition, be led by civil society, spells danger for the very future of the foundations of that system of government.

It is noteworthy, as might have been noted in other contributions by this writer, that the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), under no real threat to its hegemony over parliamentary domination, opted, perhaps in panic, canvassed the support of the soldiers and the kings in order to keep political supremacy.

The practice was subtle in the early years under first President Seretse Khama becoming abrasively pervasive in the mid 1990s.

In every instance when that has happened it spelt disaster for democracy. The examples of Emperor Hirohito of Japan and that of Chief Leabua Jonathan nearer home (in Lesotho), should offer a glimpse of things to come.

'Bogosi' is not decided on the basis of competence, but rather, on the basis of descent, usually through the father. Generally, the institution is inherently sexist and undemocratic.

Leadership of armies in Africa is associated largely with the desire of the earliest post independence rulers to protect their regimes against civil rebellion, by placing one of the president's blood at the helm of the army, or somewhere comfortably near the top.

That was the case in Zambia under Kenneth David Kaunda, as it was in Seretse Khama's Botswana. In every other situation, a youth brigade of one sort or the other was put in place, with cousins and relatives of the ruler in the leadership, to ensure enforcement of acceptance of the ruler of the day, especially where there were signs of a thriving opposition.

In addition, there would be a vigorous women's brigade that would sing songs, ululate after the words of the praise poets, feed the dignitaries and assure them of the necessary comforts at celebrations of the leader of the day. This was good custom in Malawi, Zaire and all the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa, which created the likes of General Bantu Holomisa and Lucas Mangope.

The military and 'bogosi' will be the most conservative of institutions that hold back the forward march of democracy as it is designed by modern civilisation. Needless to say, the third of the institutions, which exhibits many, if not most, of the characteristics of the army and bogosi, is the church.

The leaders that combine soldiering with political leadership invariably seek the blessing of a god of one sort or the other.

So, there shall be obedience to God, respect for the chief and allegiance to the leader of the republic.

The three legs of conservatism stampede the rural constituencies where the church and the chiefs will prey upon the superstitions of the ill informed communities to foster deference to the 'tautona' who shall reside in a far off capital not easily accessible to the average citizens of the republic. The population will be kept busy with prayer and bickering over matters of bogosi such that they will only have reverence for the 'Big Lion' when he should decide to visit.

There shall be stupendous celebration and slaughtering of the last of the beasts that the ordinary tribes people will be compelled to donate to the 'big chief's' festivals, organised under the guard of the police forces and the parliamentary and council representatives.

In what the Zambians would have called 'the third republic', that of President Festus Mogae, really a man of the modern age of borderless capitalism - more appropriately named 'imperialism' by the earliest political scientists of the socialist ilk - the role of 'tautoana' would be thrust upon his vice president, himself a warrior even if he never fought a war, King and politician of the feudal type.

Little attention would be given to the fact that the history of democracy from Greek society to contemporary times, is the story of how the democratic state worked to rid itself of royalty, the army and the church in day to day matters of governance.

Over centuries, democracy found a way to subject soldiering to civilian authority, and to free governance from priestly intervention and interference from kings and queens.

That is precisely because each one of those institutions - at their most perilous when they act together - detracts from the necessity and right of the greater population which works to pay tax and finance the state to play a role in political decision making.

Where royalty is allowed to play a part in contemporary society, it is with the purpose of enriching national pride, tradition and the social rituals that keep the collective psychology of the people focused on the greater social purpose of development.

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