ENOUGH Project (Washington, DC)
Julia Spiegel and John Prendergast
8 May 2008
(Page 4 of 4)
[11] Kony’s LRA emerged in 1989, in the immediate aftermath of another northern-based insurgency, led by Alice Auma “Lakwena,” in 1986 and 1987.
[12] There are three main peacekeeping operations in the region: MONUC in Congo, UNMIS in South Sudan, and EUFOR in the Central African Republic (and Chad). While these three missions have a mutual problem in the LRA, little has been done to coordinate efforts on intelligence sharing or strategizing to deal with the threat from a regional perspective.
[13] There are positive developments in the U.S.-sponsored Tripartite Plus Commission—a regular meeting of senior officials in the Great Lakes region to discuss mutual security concerns—but this group does not include Sudan or the Central African Republic. The United States is now backing cooperation between the Great Lakes pact, which includes the relevant states, but this grouping is relatively new and needs to be strengthened. Such cooperation would not only help in dealing with the LRA but also with other threats in the region.
[14] EUFOR is part of a multi-dimensional operation that includes the UN mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT).
[15] The LRA is now affecting four states with seven authorized military forces operating in those territories. The LRA move with ease between three of those countries (less so in Uganda), so building cooperation on information sharing and strategies is critical.
[16] ENOUGH interview, international official, April 2008.
[17] Email correspondence with ENOUGH, April 2008
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The report fails to draw attention to precise aspects of the relationship between between the Acholi people and the government of Uganda and its agencies: for example the historical foundation to the relationship that determined certain structural features; the centemporary imperatives in in Uganda Army activities in Acholi communities; and the relationship between The Uganda Army and recorded artrocities; and the relationship of Acholi communities and the repressive state organs. The Report needs to pose the question of whether uganda government policies in Northern Uganda are enforcing genocide. During most times the policies were incontrovertibly genocidal. Policies today are still genocidal in their impact and conscious intent. Policies have been have been articulated by the dominant interests of the Uganda Goverment in maintaining control. at both domestic and international level Acholi people have been increasingl;y defined as a security problem, as a law and order problem which has legitimised and demanded army intervention.