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Africa: China And the 'Flame of Shame'
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The Namibian (Windhoek)
OPINION
9 May 2008
Posted to the web 9 May 2008
Alfredo Tjiurimo Hengari
I WENT to the Paris Hotel de Ville (City Hall) a few weeks back to witness what was supposed to be a festive moment of camaraderie and friendship between nations.
After all, this is what lies at the heart of the Olympic movement.
However, the flame never made it to City Hall; its tour de Paris was shortened as a result of kaleidoscope of protesters, ranging from Reporters Sans Frontiers demanding more freedom of the press and respect for human rights in China to those condemning China's stance on Darfur in Sudan.
In addition, a horde of protesters also demanded China to "Free Tibet", especially after protests turned violent in the preceding days.
As a result, perhaps of the shaming of the "flame", a number of leaders in the European Union informed that they would not attend the Beijing Olympics, while others tied their attendance to how the political situation in Tibet evolved.
These positions became more pronounced after public opinion in Europe demanded leaders to stand firm on the principle of human rights.
Amusingly, while the Olympic flame was burning and shamed in Paris, Chinese media proudly informed its citizens that the flame received a warm reception in Paris and a welcome reception in chilly London.
Meanwhile, on the home front, our government was categorical in its denunciation of the "Tibetan thugs" whose actions supposedly undermined the passé notions of national sovereignty and territorial integrity of China.
In short, our statement sounded as if it was crafted in the Chinese Foreign Ministry, tinkered with by the Chinese embassy in Windhoek before it got to our Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
What is hollow in our position is the fact it ignored clearly many of the issues that underlie the protests in Tibet.
At the time of writing this column, China's President Hu Jintao is visiting Japan on an unprecedented visit.
Yet Japan's Foreign Minister encouraged China to follow the route of dialogue with the Dalai Lama.
Somehow, we need to do our homework better.
Our relationship with China must be de-complexed and balanced, and not one of propaganda.
Failure would mean a foreign policy and a country devoid of any credibility.
This is anecdotal in the bigger scheme of things.
The main issue that was highlighted by the tour du monde of the Olympic flame is that China's entry into international relations as a great power will not be without its pitfalls.
As China increasingly seeks to assert itself in international relations, it is unlikely to do so on its own terms.
Similarly, it is unlikely to do so at its own pace, in line with its tradition.
While China relatively entered the global economy pursuing its own model of "managed marketisation" under its talented former Prime Minister Zhu Rongji, it's political entry is constrained by new post-Cold War norms and values.
Its entry, as recent events show, including its confirmation as an emerging power, is less likely to follow Deng's warning when China went through its economic transition that its processes must be "like crossing rocks in a river, one step firmly at a time".
There is increasing activism to defend norms and values, in particular by civil society and public opinion in the west.
This explains partly why governments, protesters and activists in the West constrained China's foreign policy to take a more activist stand in Darfur.
These are forcing China to take more than one step at a time, making missteps in the process too.
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Such actions are not necessarily borne out of a desire to pick on China, yet its role as an emerging power comes not only with opportunities but also responsibilities.
What this means is that it can't cry foreign policy exceptionalism in Sudan, while thousands of civilians are dying in Darfur in the face of Khartoum's intransigence on the matter.
Similarly, it can't hide on human and cultural rights under the cover of domestic exceptionalism in Tibet.
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