Armelle Choplin
13 May 2008
analysis
In the space of a few weeks, Mauritania suffered a number of terrorist attacks, responsibility for which was claimed by Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb. Radical Islamism is not new in Mauritania, but terrorism and the sheer scale of violence witnessed in these acts is unprecedented. Although radical trends are on the rise, this should not be confounded with terrorism, which has not taken root in Mauritania. In this case, the threat originates elsewhere.
On the 24th of December 2007, Christmas Eve, four French tourists were brutally killed in Mauritania. It quickly became apparent that this was not an ordinary crime, but rather a terrorist attack. Two days later, three soldiers were killed at the Al Ghallawia military base in Northern Mauritania. The Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), formerly the Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) claimed responsibility for the attack.
On the 5th of January 2008, the organizers of the Paris-Dakar rally decided to cancel the race, following advice from the French government that has been on high alert against terrorist threats in Mauritania, where most of the attacks have taken place. On the night of 1st February, 2008, Nouakchott's biggest night club the "VIP", and the adjoining Israeli embassy were targeted: six gunmen opened fire, injuring a French woman and two French Mauritanians. Once again Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb claimed responsibility.
Mauritania, previously a little-known country, suddenly hit the headlines. Straddling the Arab and Black world in this Sahara-Sahel "grey area", suspicious of the West, particularly the US, Mauritania is today awash with Maghrebin extremists whose influence continues to grow. This is a radical shift from the past when Mauritania professed a tolerant form of Islam that was open and receptive. Recently, the International Crisis Group (ICG) reported that Islamic fundamentalism had only a limited foothold in Mauritania due to a socio-religious system based on ethnicity and under the control of powerful Islamic brotherhoods that curtailed the rise of extremist ideas (ICG, 2005).
In this paper we shall attempt to raise a number of key points that may serve to explain the current sequence of events and debunk the oft -proffered links between Islamism and terrorism. This analysis is by no means exhaustive, given the sheer complexity of the situation in Mauritania.
It is noteworthy that the central government has always had an ambiguous policy towards Islam in general and in particular Islamist movements. This brief exposé will give us a better understanding why these movements are attracting a following, in an environment characterized by despair and growing poverty - ideal conditions for the rise of dissent. We must however emphasize that the Mauritanian Islamism has no directly linked to these acts of terror perpetrated in the name of foreign terror groups such as the AQIM, in this case.
From the Islamic Republic, to the rise of Islamism in Mauritania
The official name " Islamic Republic of Mauritania" can be misleading, since an Islamic state is nothing more than a Muslim state. However there has been a rapid lexical shift from "Islamic" to "Islamist", the "Islamic Republic" of Iran under Khomeini as an oft-quoted example. Iran under Khomeini, however, bears little similarity to the "Islamic Republic of Mauritania", that has always espoused a more "tolerant" brand of Islam.
The appellation was adopted upon attaining independence, and was a response to the political aims of Mauritania's first president, Mokhtar Ould Daddah, who envisioned the country as a bridge between North Africa and Black Africa. In order to overcome the dual cultural identity and ensure cohesion between the Moors and the "Black Mauritanians" (Halpulaar, Soninke, Wolof), Islam was brought to the fore. This lent legitimacy to the Mauritanian state and brought together a 100% Muslim nation.
Colonel Haidar came to power in 1980 and sought to further entrench Islam and it practice in the country. To this end, Sha'ria law was enacted in 1982. Maouiyya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya took over in 1984 and maintained the trend, instituting restrictions on, among other things, alcohol. Come 1990, Taya was under immense external pressure to "democratize" the country. In this new climate, Islamists were prevented from active involvement in politics: in 1991 Taya further eroded their influence by banning the formation of religion-based political parties.
Between 1994 and 2005, there were numerous arrests, followed by equally frequent pardons. This was part of a government strategy to harass these groups rather than openly fight them. Taya frequently asserted that there was no place for Islamism in Mauritania, since everyone was Muslim. According to the ICG (2005), the Taya regime was in effect using the "Islamic threat" to gain the support of the West and detract from the frequent calls for greater democracy in the country.
Following the coup of 3rd August 2005, there was a radical change of policy towards Islamism. The Military Committee for Justice and Democracy (CMJD) came to power and embarked on democratic renewal. It sought to distance itself from the coercive methods that Taya used in his 20 years of power. The CMJD, led by Ely Ould Mohamed Vall, immediately began consultations with civil society and bringing about democratic reforms. In this climate of change, the Islamists quickly re-emerged. The members of the CMJD committed to exclude themselves from the presidential elections in order to restore civilian rule. The March 2007 presidential elections were the culmination of the democratic transition initiated by the military junta, and Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi was democratically elected as Head of State.
The new government was similarly tolerant of Islamism. In June of 2007, several individuals accused of being members of an Islamist organization were acquitted for lack of evidence. As it turns out, among those acquitted was Sidi Ould Sidna one of those accused of murdering four French tourists. This shift in attitude is further evidenced in the registration of Tawassoul (National Congress for Reform and Development), led by Mohamed Jemil Ould Mansour, a moderate Islamist. The party holds a parliamentary seat in the heart of Nouakchott, a clear symbol of its legitimacy.
For some, this new attitude towards Islamism, smacks of connivance. For others, it is reassuring, and symbolizes a "restoration of the Faith", manifest in the return of the Muslim weekend (Friday and Saturday), the construction of a mosque at the presidential palace, and frequent raids and arrests at bars and restaurants in Nouakchott suspected of selling alcohol..
A state of socio-economic crisis ripe for conflict
The "democratic transition" and the installation of a new elected government gave the population a renewed sense of hope for change. The transition was widely hailed and held up as an example. At the same time, Mauritania joined the elite group of petroleum-exporting countries. The sinking of an offshore well in 2006 brought about economic renewal and raised expectation. However, petroleum production had to be reviewed following technical glitches and the fact that only a small minority was reaping the economic rewards.
Three years after the discovery of oil and the start of the transition, hope and enthusiasm had given way to despair and anxiety. On the one hand, Mauritanians quickly realized that the much-touted "democratic transition" was only relative - it was still the same cabal holding the reins of power. On the other hand, the population noticed a decline in living standards, in contrast to the promised growth fueled by the famous "oil find" and the redistribution of resources following the democratic transition. In the autumn of 2004 the breakout of "bread riots" in several towns following the rise of consumer prices pointed to social breakdown. These social conditions led to a growth of sympathy for extremist views.
These views called for a moral regeneration in government, and resonate with poor citizens who watched Nouakchott's skyline dotted with an increasing number of palatial residences, each more opulent than the last. Never before had luxury been more conspicuous. People began to question the source of this newfound wealth. Corruption was suspected. Development aid given to a country seen as a good example was regularly misappropriated.
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