14 July 2008
document
Kampala — President Yoweri Museveni recently joined over 20 other AU leaders attending the 19th summit of the New Partnership for African Development Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee in which Uganda was reviewed.
The review is part of the Africa Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process, which is essentially a systematic examination and assessment of a country's general performance by its peers. Below is the speech the President made.
It is with great pleasure that I, on behalf of Uganda, address this 9th Summit of the African Peer Review Mechanism Forum when our country is being peer reviewed. I wish to commend Your Excellency Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, for your able stewardship of the forum. I take this opportunity, on behalf of my delegation, to extend our sincere gratitude to our host, His Excellency Mohammed Hosni Mubarak, the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Government and the people of Egypt for their warm reception.
Allow me also to congratulate my brothers who will be peer reviewed today, His Excellency Umaru Yar' Adua, the President of Nigeria and His Excellency Blaise Campaore, the President of Burkina Faso, for the successful completion of their APRM process and all comrades who have passed through the peer review.
We strongly believe that this process is good for us to generate creative solutions to African governance challenges, as we strive for the betterment of our Continent, Africa.
I wish to recognise the contribution of the APR Panel of Eminent Persons, especially my eminent friend Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, its chairman, who also headed Uganda's Review, for the guidance which has led to the success of the Uganda APRM process. Uganda appreciates having been allotted the seventh position in the queue of countries being peer reviewed.
Your Excellencies, it is now my honour to share with you the experience and outcome of the African Peer Review Mechanism in Uganda.
Uganda one of the pioneers for review
As you know, Uganda was one of the first countries to accede to the APRM process in 2003. However, the process was delayed by the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2006.
Diversity of the independent commission
A key element of the Uganda APRM process was the establishment of an Independent National Commission consisting of 21 representatives from the Government, civil society, the private sector, academia, members of the political opposition, religious leaders, trade unions, farmers, the youth, women, persons with disabilities (PWD's), Parliament and the legal fraternity. Each group was required to nominate a representative to the Commission, which the Government supported to carry out the Country Self-Assessment.
Apart from the diversity of the Commission, the consultations were made with a diversity of stakeholders representing all regions, districts, local authorities, divisions of the Kampala city, special interest groups, expert and professional groups, the Judiciary, Parliament, security, as well as law and order institutions. This enabled the capturing of varied and candid views from all stakeholders. The major challenge of using this approach is that it generates a lot of diverse and often conflicting views, opinions and interests. In many ways, the Country Review Report and this APR Forum is a continuation of the process of building consensus and agreement.
Your Excellencies, the Uganda Country Review Report highlights the achievements, challenges and Programme of Action. Allow me to comment briefly on each of these.
Major achievements of governance in Uganda
The following were identified as major achievements by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Government:
-Macro-Economic Reforms and Liberalisation,
-Security and Professionalisation of the Army
-Constitutional reform and democracy
-Decentralisation
-Civil Service Reform,
-Education
-Reduction in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS.
The APR Panel has also identified nine best practices worthy of emulation as follows:
-Prompt handling of election petitions for both presidential and parliamentary elections
-Uganda's Macro-Economic management.
-The budget consultative process
-Setting up of a unit within the Uganda
-Investment Authority to promote and support local investors
-Setting up the Uganda parliamentary budget office
-Free universal primary and secondary education.
-Uganda's handling of the HIV/AIDs pandemic.
-Political leadership in the fight against HIV/AIDs
-The Decentralisation process in Uganda.
I now wish to make some brief comments on the achievements of Uganda:
Macro-economic Reforms and Liberalisation (Item 136 page 83)
As a result of the macro-economic measures and reforms, Uganda has experienced an unprecedented growth rate averaging six percent per annum for almost two decades. Inflation has been kept to single digit figures for over 18 years, while liberalisation has attracted both domestic and foreign investors, thus boosting trade.
This achievement is all the more remarkable because it lifted Uganda from a collapsed economy characterised by negative growth rates since the 1970s. Secondly, we have moved the economy from mere recovery to sustainable growth. Thirdly, at the time that these economic reforms were implemented, they were not popular and required strong, unwavering political will. Consequently, we have reduced Uganda's poverty levels from 56% in 1992/93 to 31% in 2005/06.
However, in computing Uganda's total and GDP per capita, the report seems to have used figures that are out of date. The economy is now $14.28b(Atlas method) and the GDP per capita is $482. The average GDP rate of growth in the last five years has been 8.3% per annum. In-spite of the mistake of delaying the construction of hydro-power dams caused by the wrong advice of the World Bank to our officials, the high oil prices and the crisis in neighbouring Kenya, the GDP rate of growth for 2007/08 was nine percent, after adjusting for inflation.
Security and Professionalisation of the army (Item 137 page 83)
Soon after Independence, holding power in Uganda and control of the State shifted from civilians to the armed forces. The military regime under Idi Amin (1971-1979), constituted of a semi-illiterate and highly indisciplined army that had been recruited on ethnic basis, ultimately, became a major source of insecurity and instability in Uganda.
The challenge in 1986, when the NRM came into power, was to transform the negative characteristics of the inherited army into an instrument of peace and security, as well as a professional body. Strict disciplinary measures were introduced in the army, especially to curb the killing and harassment of civilians. The army currently undergoes a high standard of training and education that is the basis for appointment and promotion. We are proud to note that Ugandan security forces are now of the calibre that is often called upon to undertake UN and AU missions in other countries.
Due to the historical role of our army, Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF), in liberating and reconstituting the failed State of Uganda and, in order for this force to comprehend and appreciate the nature of politics and the need for civilian oversight, the army has been given representation in Parliament. This has ensured good relations between the armed forces and other stakeholders and has enabled them contribute to good governance.
The claim by the Country Review Report that "...observers note that the UPDF has become a critical component of the President's patronage network,"(item137) is incorrect and portrays lack of understanding of army recruitment procedures.
Recruitment into UPDF, Uganda Police and Prisons forces is according to district quotas on the basis of competition - physical, academic as well as passing the appropriate medical tests.
Constitutional reform and democracy (item 138 page 83)
Your Excellencies, I note with satisfaction the panel's recognition of the Constitutional and Democratic reforms that have been carried out in Uganda over the last 20 years. I would like to emphasise that these reforms have been achieved through peaceful means.
It is important to remember that Ugandans went through 13 years of protracted struggles to remove dictatorial and fascist governments and, since that time, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Government's primary mission has been to re-establish and consolidate constitutionalism and democracy in Uganda.
Uganda used a participatory and democratic approach in the designing and adoption of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda.
Its amendment requires a majority of not less than two-thirds of all Members of Parliament and the decision should be ratified by at least two-thirds of members of District Councils in each of, at least, two-thirds of all the Districts of Uganda. It is also referred to a decision and approval of the people in a Referendum for entrenched clauses. Since 1996, Uganda has held free and fair elections and since 2006, elections are now held under a Multi-party system.
Decentralisation (item139-140 page 83-84)
We do appreciate the observation of the APR Panel that Uganda has developed a remarkable decentralised system of governance, worth emulating by other African countries. It is important to emphasise the fact that the present system of local government is based on the post-1986 reforms introduced by the NRM Government.
This system was practiced in the liberated areas during the liberation struggle (1981-1986) and it was found effective.
The decentralised system has since then served the country well by ensuring efficient delivery of services through bringing them closer to the people and transfer of political power (political decentralisation) rather than mere administrative decentralisation.
The recentralisation of the role of the chief administrative officer (CAO) (district accounting officers), is to strengthen the accountability in the decentralisation system.
The local politicians being responsible for appointing the CAO was found to be self-serving and, therefore, fueling corruption. It was found that the accounting officer must be protected from local partisan and vested interest pressure. Government is committed to further strengthen the decentralisation system.
Currently, 33% of the national budget is transferred to local governments and in the last two consecutive years, $27m has been provided each year as compensation for Graduated Tax removal.
This financial year, a new law was passed to enable local governments collect new types of local taxes. We shall continue with $27m Graduated Tax compensation this year and Equalisation Grants for districts which may not be able to collect enough taxes.
Civil Service Reform (item141-143 page 84)
Indeed, the NRM Government recognises that promoting rapid economic growth is very much dependent on an effective and efficient civil service.
In Uganda, the structure of ministries and local governments has been streamlined and rationalised and their roles and functions redefined.
However, we still face the challenge of producing civil servants committed and responsive to efficient and effective delivery of critical services and the promotion and growth of the private sector.
Education (item 144 page 84)
Lessons from recently transformed economies (Asian Tigers) demonstrate the need for heavy investment in human capital.
This required expansion and extension of knowledge and awareness to a broad section of the population.
In order to build the basis for transforming Uganda's economy and society, our Government launched the universal primary education (UPE) in 1997 and, more recently, in 2006, we have embarked on universal secondary education (USE). The introduction of the UPE policy was spontaneously successful as enrolment for it jumped from 2.5 million to 7.2 million in a span of five years.
The response to the shift in lifting the burden of financing education away from households towards the public sector, has had a knock-on effect in multiplying privately-funded university and tertiary institutions.
We have now implemented the APR Panel recommendations to make UPE compulsory, beginning this Financial Year 2008/09.
Reduction in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS (item145-146 page 84-85)
Uganda's success in the dramatic reduction in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS from 30% in the 1990s to now about six percent in 2007 is testimony that consistent political commitment combined with simple but clear preventative strategies is necessary to combat a lifestyle-related epidemic. One of the major setbacks with regard to fighting HIV/AIDS in many countries has been to shroud it in secrecy, fearing its impact on tourism.
Uganda's achievement was based on the adoption of a policy and practice of openness. The reduction in transmission has been achieved through a combination of methods, including Abstinence, Being faithful to one partner and Condom use (popularly known as the ABC Strategy). In addition, it is Uganda's policy to make Anti-Retroviral (ARV) drugs readily available to all who need them in order to prolong life. To this end, Uganda has now established a factory to produce the ARV drugs.
Your Excellencies, in addition to the above achievements identified by the Panel, there are other noteworthy achievements, which I would like to highlight here, namely:
-Transparency and accountability.
-Promotion of gender equality and balance
-Liberalisation of the mass media
-Building our capacity in petroleum. research and development, leading to the discovery of our oil by ourselves
Transparency and accountability
Your Excellencies, please note that the whole mechanism for transparency and accountability in Uganda was instituted by the NRM Government. One of the early priorities of our Government was to inculcate a culture of transparency and accountability in public life.
In order to achieve this, the NRM Government created the institution of the Inspector General of Government, introduced a Leadership Code of Conduct and established the Directorate of Ethics and Integrity. The public accounts committee in Parliament oversees central ministries and local government accounts. While the NRM has majority in Parliament, these committees are chaired by Members of Parliament from the opposition parties. Therefore, the misconception that there is lack of political will to fight corruption is not justified.
Promotion of gender equity and balance
Right from the beginning, the NRM has vigorously promoted gender equity and balance. Uganda implemented the Beijing Programme of Action and also other conventions on gender. In order to increase the number of female leaders in professions and politics, Uganda adopted a policy of affirmative action, by which extra entry points are awarded to female candidates to increase their enrolment in institutions of higher learning, including universities.
The impact of this has been the increase in the number of highly educated women professionals at all levels. In terms of political representation, women are allocated a third of membership in all councils at all levels.
Subsequently, now 67.1% councillors at sub-county level and 46.8% at district level are women.
Liberalization of the mass media
The mass media are recognised as the fourth pillar of Governance. It plays the key role of disseminating information and promoting awareness as well as forming opinion on issues of democracy and governance. Since the NRM Government came to power and liberalised the mass media, electronic and print media houses have mushroomed and flourished in the country. The number of radio stations has grown from one to over 100 stations, while the number of television stations has increased from one to over five.
In addition, there are alternative and competitive channels of communication in the telecommunication sector, which play a key role in disseminating information throughout the country, including the rural areas. However, it is a challenge of governance that the freedom given to the media is used in a responsible and constructive manner.
Some of the radios have abused their freedom by telling incredible lies and promoting sectarianism. This is an issue that will have to be addressed.
Major challenges to governance in Uganda
Your Excellencies, the following are the challenges identified by the APR Panel of Eminent Persons which I will comment on one by one:
-Lack of structural transformation in the economy.
-Poverty
-High population growth rate.
-Negative political developments
-Corruption
-Dependence on aid and debt, as well as
-Uneasy peace with the neighbours
The challenge of nation-building
Before I elaborate further on my comments on the identified challenges, I wish to point out the greater challenge of nation-building. It is true that the formation of Uganda as a Nation-State dates back to 1894. However, it is important to acknowledge that there was a lot more in common both economically and politically between the peoples in the Region. As a point of fact, not only the people who live in Uganda but even those in north-western Tanzania, West of Kenya, eastern Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Southern Sudan are either quite close linguistically, culturally or are linked historically. Between 900 AD and 1500 AD, many of these groups were governed together by the Bachwezi Dynasty.
That is why you find common names in Uganda, Tanzania and Congo such as Ndahura, Mulindwa, Mugyenyi, Isimbwa, Kagoro, Wamala, Mukasa/Mugasha and others.
The successor kingdoms that followed the collapse of the Bachwezi Dynasty were, sometimes fighting, but mostly cooperating: Bunyoro-Karagwe (Tanzania), Buganda-Karagwe, Nkore-Karagwe, etc. That is how traders would go from Zanzibar to Buganda, Bunyoro or Nkore (1200 miles).
Excavations done at Ntutsi and Bigo Bya Mugyenyi, the ancient capital of Uganda, carbon dated to 900-1500 AD, showed a lot of cattle bones, pottery and also glass beads (enkwanzi) and cowrie shells (ensimbi). We were not making glass beads and cowrie shells. They were coming from the ocean. How did they get to Bigo Bya Mugyenyi, 1200 miles from the sea, if there was no cooperation by these kingdoms?
One of the British adventurers mentioned in the report, H.M. Stanley, in his book, In Darkest Africa, page 386, wrote as follows:
"By a gradual rise from Amrada southward, we escape after a few miles out of the unlovely plains to older land producing a better quality of timber. Before we were 100 feet above the lake a visible improvement had taken place, the Acacia had disappeared, and the myombo, a tree whose bark is useful for native cloth and for boxes, and which might be adapted for canoes, flourished everywhere. At Bwanga, the next village, the language of the Wahuma, which we had heard continually since leaving the Albert Nyanza, ceases, and the Unyamwezi interpreters had now to be employed, which fact the skeptical Zanzibaris hailed as evidence that we were approaching Pwani (the coast)."
What he called Wahuma (Bahima) language were the Interlacustrine Bantu dialects (Runyoro, Luganda, Runyankore, Runyambo, Lusoga, Lugwere, Lunyole, Ruhaya, Rujinja, Lukerewe (Lukerebe), Lumasaba and even Kinyarwanda - Kirundi - Kiha-Kihangeza). They were so close that they are mutually intelligible in varying degrees. So much for these British-French and German political engineers who created "artificial" edifices out of groups that were strange to each other!! In fact, they disrupted a constellation of fraternal and linked political units that were, at least, trading together. It is, therefore, not very accurate to say that the British created a country of such diverse groups that they were almost incompatible; or to give the impression that this is the first time these groups had interacted.
Even the adventurer, Stanley, could not help noticing the obvious fact that from Ituri in Congo to near Mwanza in Tanzania, the People were speaking one language, which he called the Wahuma (Bahima) language. He was referring, as already pointed out, to the very close Interlacustrine Bantu dialects.
It is in this context of the challenge of Nation-building and economic integration that what the report refers to as "North-South divide" needs to be understood. The document captures the chaos and blood-letting that has characterised Uganda since independence.
The report also talks of the violence and wars provoked by the British and their European rivals in the form of Catholic vs Protestants and Christians vs Muslims following the entry of the British into Uganda in the 1880s and 1890s. Who were the belligerents in these conflicts? Did these conflicts represent a North-South divide? Not at all.
The conflicts in Uganda after independence were for most of the time North on North conflicts: Idi Amin (North) vs. Milton Obote (North). Tito Okello (North) vs Milton Obote (North). Uganda has been independent now for 46 years and for 23 years of that time she was led by northern factions.
At the dawn of Colonialism, much of the conflict was not North vs South. It was in fact, internal conflicts in Buganda (Catholics vs Protestants, Muslims vs Catholics) or British Colonialism against a belated alliance of Ugandan chiefs of Bunyoro (Kabarega), Buganda (Mwanga) and the North (Akaki of Lango). The Front for National Salvation (FRONASA)-Amin conflict (1971-1979) or the NRM-Obote's Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) conflict (1981-1986), was not North-South conflicts. Why? In the 1971-1979 anti-Amin struggle, the NRM (FRONASA) was on the same side (although we failed to form one organization) with Obote's UPC against Amin. Amin had been massacring everybody but, especially, the Acholis and Langis (from the North).
In the 1981-1986, the NRM was allied with the whole of West Nile (Moses Ali, Emilio Mondo, Hajati Anuna Omar, and Dr. Adriko) against UPC which was not really a political party from the North; the Report has already described UPC as more of a Protestant party than a northern party.
In fact, some of the strong anti-UPC elements were from the North (Alexander Latim, Serapio Obonyo, Gaspare Oda - murdered in 1980, Adimola). Karamoja (North-East) has always been pro-NRM - in the anti-UPC struggle and even today.
The report talked of the Kony terrorism. Where does Kony come from? North. Whom has he been targeting and killing? Mainly, people from the North (especially Acholis).
Where, then, is the North-South divide? These factions have always been myopic groups of, actually, individuals who, then, try to gang-press certain groups into their corner in the unprincipled fights. These factions, most of the time, do not represent the interests of even any one area.
What grass-root development did these Northern factions bring to even the North? If NRM came to destroy northern prosperity, where are the ruins of that prosperity? The Roman Empire was destroyed in the 5th Century AD (410). However, the ruins of that Empire are still there (the coliseum and roads.
To the contrary, the NRM Government has put some developments in the North; for example, of the 22,100 primary school classrooms built in permanent materials (cement, bricks and corrugated iron sheets) to be found in the North-Eastern region, the NRM has built a total of 16,897 classrooms of them as illustrated in the table alongside.
The 16,897 classrooms built by NRM Government in the North in the last 20 years, constitute 54.7% of the entire number of 40,067 classrooms, in the whole country.
Gulu University and a number of Teacher Training Colleges (TTCs) have also been built by the NRM in spite of fighting Sudan-sponsored terrorism at the same time.
Structural transformation in the economy
It is not true that there is no structural transformation in the economy as the contribution of agriculture to GDP has come down while that of industry is rising.
In order to achieve structural transformation in the economy, Uganda is embarking on industrialisation, agricultural modernisation and the expansion of the services sector.
The claim that "little has changed in the relative importance of the agricultural, industrial and other sectors of Uganda's economy" is not true. In 1986, agriculture was 53.9% of GDP, industry was 16.1% of GDP and services were 30% of GDP. The figures are now 21.4%, 24.4%and 49%, respectively. How could anybody say "little" has changed?
It is true that we are still exporting a significant portion of our products in the form of raw materials whereby we lose money and jobs to the outside World. We are very much aware of this and we have been deliberately solving it where possible - mainly relying on attracting private companies instead of starting parastatals.
This process has worked for the fish sector (17 factories since 1986 bring in $124.7m), tea sector (20 factories bring in $ 47.6 m), cotton sector (brings in $ 19.6m), sugar factories and steel-mills.
The issue, however, is that there is a lot of latent capacity that is not yet exploited when it comes to value-addition in the areas of coffee, fruits, beef, cereals, natural fibres, minerals, tourism, wood-products, light and heavy engineering and ICT. What is needed is deepening the value-addition process but not the direction to take. The journey of transformation has already been embarked upon.
Even the relative importance of coffee as a lead export earner has also changed. It is no longer true to say that "over a half of Uganda's export earnings are derived from coffee exports".
This year, our exports of goods and services were of the magnitude of $2,293m ($2.3b) and coffee only brought in $265.9m. This figure does not include the figure of our workers' remittances from abroad which is $1.3b. In addition, the Government has a deliberate policy to transform the country from a predominantly subsistence economy to a modern industrialised economy. In this regard, the following specific interventions are being undertaken:
-The construction of industrial parks which will increase access to serviced land by investors.
-Provision of tax incentives and export processing zones to facilitate manufacturing industries.
-Increased access to long-term finance by SMEs for value- addition particularly in Agro-processing.
-The Government is supporting Loan Guarantee Scheme for commercial banks. This will support value-addition by agro-processors outside the industrial parks.
-Construction of Hydro-power dams in Bujagali, Karuma and Isimba.
Significantly increasing funding for road construction and maintenance and revamping the railway network.
-The Uganda Investment Authority is a one-stop centre to facilitate investment.
-To facilitate the service sector, Government has made heavy investments in human capital, ICT, infrastructure and tourism.
Poverty eradication
Since 1997, Uganda has had a successful Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) which has enabled the population living under poverty to reduce from 56% in 1992/93 to 31% in 2005/06, as mentioned earlier. Recently, we embarked on Prosperity-for-All, which is our strategy for wealth-creation ensuring that every household is able to earn, at least, sh20m($12,000) per annum. The main objective of Prosperity-for-All is to transform the peasant households from subsistence, unplanned production methods and poor unhealthy living conditions, to commercial, industrialized production and healthy living conditions.
The Government is aware that there is regional disparity in poverty levels due to historical factors and a protracted war for nearly 20 years in northern Uganda, as already alluded to, that forced over 1.5 million people to live in camps for the last 10 years.
However, the Government over the same period has continued to invest significant resources in northern Uganda. Government, therefore, introduced deliberate programmes to address these disparities, for example the Northern Uganda Reconstruction Programme (NURP) I and II, Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF) of $100m and more recently the Peace, Recovery and Development Plan worth $ 650m. This is over and above the budgetary allocation given to each district on per capita basis and further supported by equalization grants.
High Population Growth Rate
The Cabinet has recently adopted the revised National Population Policy to address population issues; and the high population will be used as a dividend through increased production and productivity of the population to realise economic transformation.
I do not share the alarmism over the high rate of population growth. The problem of Africa, over the millennia, was under-population. With the GDP rate of growth of above 10%, after we deal with the issue of energy, we shall cope with our high rate of population growth. As our society becomes more middle class, the family sizes will shrink. That is the natural, positive way of dealing with population instead of wanting to keep Africa under-populated. That was part of the problem in the past.
Underdevelopment is the problem but not population. The UK is the same land area as Uganda and they have a population of 60 million which is living in affluence. Even Japan which is slightly bigger than Uganda has a very affluent population of 127 million people. Uganda has got much more natural resources than either the UK or Japan. How can we fail to cope with a population of 30 million or the subsequent increases? I am not persuaded by these arguments.
Negative political developments
The report talks of the danger of the return of "neo-patrimonial politics." This does not make sense, especially after you have elaborately laid out our vast democratic structures right from the 51,000 Local Council (LC1s) at the village (ekyaaro) levels, through LC2s at parish (emiruka) levels, LC3s at sub-county (Gombolola) levels, LC4s at county (saza) levels, LC5s at district (eitwaare) levels up to the national Parliament. How is "patrimonial" politics (old or neo) possible in such a structure?
The report also talks of the amendment to the presidential term limit under Article 105 (2) of the 1995 Constitution. At the time we carried out this amendment, we took into account the state of the political and socio-economic development of Uganda.
In the Bible, in the book of Isaiah 53:6 says: "They left undone what they ought to have done and they did what they ought not to have done and there is no truth in them."
Given our history, it was clear that there were no strong institutions that could carry out the necessary programmes that we had initiated. While we saw the need for continuity, we also looked at other constitutions and practices around the world. It is clear that some countries have term limits and others do not.
In our judgment, given the aforesaid, we opted to follow those countries that do not have term limits. As you know, examples abound in such great democracies as the United Kingdom and Germany. In India, the biggest democracy in the World, there is no term limit. In Israel and all the Western democracies there are no term limits. I was recently in Israel with Shimon Perez who was already active in the Israel politics of resistance when I was born, in 1944. He is still making a contribution. He is always voted in and voted out. We amended this provision because that is what Ugandans demanded. There was a majority of MPs accepting this amendment in Parliament, with a minority of only 52 Members of Parliament out of 303 opposing it.
There were 38 amendments made to the 1995 Constitution including the introduction of the multi-party political system and the creation of the official role of the leader of opposition at Cabinet rank. What is fundamental is what is captured in Articles 1 and 59 of the Uganda Constitution that "gives every citizen of Uganda of 18 years of age or above, a right to vote." As long as the people are exercising their right of choice and separation of power mechanisms are in place, leaders will be thrown out if they do not perform. This is in harmony with the "NEPAD Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance" where Uganda commits itself to enforcing the inalienable right of the individual to participate, by means of free, credible and democratic political processes, in periodically electing their leaders for a fixed term of office.
Very many African leaders were rejected democratically although they had been in power for a long time, among them Mzee Arap Moi, Mzee Kenneth Kaunda and Mzee Abdou Diof. You can see the recent elections in Zimbabwe. What is exactly the point with this term limit? It is another "golden calf" erected by those who meddle in our affairs to divert us from worshipping the real 'God' of development: private sector-led growth, value-addition, market-access and integration, human resource development, political integration by creating political federations where possible in order to guarantee our future, the power of the people to elect or remove leaders at periodic intervals.
It is these factors that made other countries succeed; and not term limits. This is the view of the people of Uganda. Indeed, there was a Referendum on the issue. After we removed the presidential term limit on September 26, 2005, we held presidential, parliamentary and local government elections on February 23, 2006. We won all the three with big majorities. That is what the people of Uganda want.
With regard to limits of the major pillars of the State and issues of the oversight role of Parliament being undermined, it is important to note that through its oversight committees, Parliament checks and holds the Executive accountable and all oversight committees of Parliament are chaired by the opposition.
Furthermore, all appointments by the President are vetted and approved by Parliament. On a number of occasions, Parliament has declined to approve nominations by the President. Through the public accounts committee and the local government accounts committee, Parliament scrutinizes and examines all expenditure of Government and rearranges priorities.
The Judiciary is not only independent in the performance of its duties, but is also a self- accounting institution. To further strengthen the Judiciary, this financial year, we have addressed the issue of human resource by appointing 16 new judges. The Constitutional Court has, on a number of occasions, taken judicial decisions which are not in favour of the Government. The Government respects all Court decisions and where it is not satisfied, appeals are lodged by the Attorney General in the Supreme Court.
The Uganda Constitution, in Article 176, devolves and transfers some functions, powers and responsibilities of Central Government to local governments except defence, the Police and foreign relations. Through the system of decentralisation, decision making and allocation of resources is being shared between the Central Government and local authorities.
We acknowledge the recommendation relating to reviewing the Constitution and appointment of the Electoral Commission. We also acknowledge that there are three elements in strengthening the electoral system which have been missing: computerising the voters register to stop those who try to engage in multiple registrations; disciplining the political actors to stop using bad language and stopping the politicians that corrupt voters through bribery.
We have created a special wing of the Police to deal with political hygiene by arresting those who offer bribes and those who receive them. Otherwise, the electoral process in Uganda is among the best in the world.
Corruption
The report notes that the Government has put the legal framework in place and has established appropriate institutions but that they lack resources to carry out their effective oversight and accountability role. The Government has strengthened the various anti-corruption agencies. The Inspectorate of Government (IGG), office of the Auditor General (OAG) and the Directorate for Public Prosecutions (DPP) were granted constitutional status and independence in the performance of their functions to ensure their effectiveness. In addition to the above agencies, we have a full Ministry of Ethics and Integrity.
The Public Procurement and Disposal of Assets (PPDA) law is being revised to deal with corruption in the procurement process. There is an Inter-Agency Forum (IAF), a coalition of 18 national institutions that collaborate in the fight against corruption. The NRM Government was again voted into power in 2006 on the platform of revising the Government's approach toward fighting corruption; moving from an eradication approach to a zero tolerance approach.
There are ongoing prosecutions of high profile corruption cases in particular the former ministers of health who are charged with diversion of donor funds meant for the health sector.
We are now struggling with cadre-identification and integrity-hunting and we have succeeded in some areas like the Uganda Revenue Authority. The emphasis is now on the Police Force.
With these anti-corruption agencies, we shall defeat corruption like we defeated indiscipline in the army and extra-judicial killings by the state agents.
However, there are still resource constraints and lack of capacity to investigate corruption. There is need to note that the problem of Uganda is lack of resources and not lack of political will.
At one time the whole army command: army commander, army chief of staff and the chief of military intelligence were charged with creation of "ghost" soldiers on the payroll and relieved of their duties. The challenge remains that of investigative capacity.
Dependence on aid and debt
The claim that the economy of Uganda is donor-driven is incorrect. In fact, donor involvement has been slowing down our growth. I have already pointed out that the donors delayed the hydro-power projects. In order to avoid re-occurrence of this delay, we have created an Energy Fund and we have now invested $215m of our money on this Fund. Each year, we shall be adding more money. If necessary, we shall build the dams ourselves using our own money. After all, it is cheaper to do so. The borrowed money has high interests that raise the cost of building dams apart from delays and the comic so-called environmental groups which are always running around with their theories.
These so-called donors have also been delaying the road projects. On realising that they were not moving, our Government budgeted for sh1.1 trillion (equivalent to about $660.7m) this financial year for that sector. Every year, we shall be injecting comparable and appropriate sums of money into the road sector. Our vital roads will never lag behind schedule again. Donor funding was crucial only for the period 1987 to 1995. After that, with discipline and focus, we can manage on our own. We do welcome support if it does not interfere with our vision, strategy and timetable. The donor portion for this year's budget is only 30%. Sectors such as construction, transport and telecommunications, hotels and restaurants have no donor support at all. Yet they have been growing at the rates of six percent, 18% and 17.2%, respectively. They are private-sector driven.
Uneasy peace with neighbours
The general coverage of the intra and inter-state conflict is appreciated. However, Uganda's involvement in the inter-state conflicts in the Great Lakes Region should be seen in the context of the historical evolution of these conflicts. In the case of southern Sudan, the government of Sudan supported the defunct Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) in August 1986, in addition to the Holy Spirit Movement and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) against the Government of Uganda. The Government of Uganda had no option but to pursue the rebels into southern Sudan.
However, the Government of Sudan subsequently allowed the Uganda Government forces to pursue the rebels in the territory of southern Sudan. The Government of Uganda has played a crucial role in ensuring that the Great Lakes Region is more peaceful and stable, challenges notwithstanding. It is on record that the Government of Uganda is always available to work out arrangements that ensure inter-state security and in the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda's intervention was aimed at stopping the rebels who were using Congolese territory to destabilise western Uganda.
Eventually, the warring parties in Congo signed the Lusaka Agreement which paved the way for democratising Congo, for the first time, since the death of Patrice Lumumba in 1961. The Lusaka Protocol also provided for stopping the use of Congolese territory from neighbouring countries. Unfortunately, this portion of the Lusaka Protocol has not been implemented.
In the case of Somalia, IGAD specifically requested us to provide troops to be deployed in Somalia long before the UN and the African Union got involved. The contribution of the Government of Uganda to the stabilisation of Somalia has cost Uganda lives of gallant soldiers. Therefore, the issue of saying that Uganda is not at ease with her neighbours is unfounded.
Furthermore, Uganda is fully involved in peace initiatives in the region as exemplified by the following:
-Uganda is at the forefront in the process of the East African integration as a means of ensuring political, social and economic security of the East African region.
-It is an integral partner in the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).
-The Tripartite Plus Joint Commission has many Ugandan diplomats and security experts playing a crucial and sustained role.
-The Somali Process and the Regional Peace Initiative in Burundi. We played a role in the restoration of peace in the region as chair of IGAD and the establishment of the Somali Transitional Government (TGF).
-Uganda has ratified the Pact for Security, stability and development in the Great Lakes Region and has signed the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Peace, Security, Democracy and Development.
-It is viewed as having played a critical role in the implantation of the spirit and letter of the Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
-It has been the chair for the regional initiative that has enabled Burundi to draw up a constitution, carry out credible elections, and establish relative peace.
In resolving the conflict in northern Uganda, it is true that the final Peace Agreement has not been signed due to the Lords' Resistance Army failure to appear at the agreed time and venue. However, the Government is committed to the implementation of the signed agreements. In any case, Kony cannot disturb Uganda because we are nearing the completion of the modernisation process of our army.
Programme of action
From the recommendations in the report we have developed a three-year $4.9b programme of action and the Government is committed to its implementation. The integrating of the National Programme of Action into our national development planning process and the annual national budgeting is already underway.
We are in the process of formulating our five-year National Development Plan which is the successor of the Poverty Eradication Action Plan that we have been using as a National Planning Framework for the last 10 years.
The new-five year National Development Plan will be effective July 2009.
In the current budget 2008/2009, about $1b has been provided to implement the POA, of which $137m is under democracy and political governance.
In the Medium Term Expenditure Framework 2008/09 to 2012/13, over $1.6b have been earmarked for governance interventions.
To ensure effective implementation of the Programme of Action, the Government will strengthen the current National APRM Institutional Framework, by providing it with a legal mandate through Executive Order and Parliamentary Act.
In fulfilling the implementation of our programme of action, we shall solicit the cooperation and understanding of all of you, my peers, and all stakeholders.
In conclusion, I, on behalf of the Uganda Government wish to reiterate our appreciation to the APR Panel of Eminent Persons for accomplishing this task successfully.
Your Excellencies, thank you for your attention.
Be the first to Write a Comment!
Copyright © 2008 New Vision. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com). To contact the copyright holder directly for corrections — or for permission to republish or make other authorized use of this material, click here.
AllAfrica aggregates and indexes content from over 125 African news organizations, plus more than 200 other sources, who are responsible for their own reporting and views. Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica.
