5 September 2008
(Page 2 of 4)
The political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe has been an additional factor.
The political violence, torture and intimidation, in combination with the economic meltdown of the country, have resulted in an increase in the number of Zimbabweans fleeing their own country for the relative safety of South Africa.
Feelings of xenophobia in South Africa are not helped by the South African government's response to the situation in Zimbabwe. President Thabo Mbeki's statement that there is 'no crisis' across the border paints those fleeing the violence and repression as purely economic migrants with no 'real' or legitimate reason for being in South Africa.
Fourthly, the Southern African Migration Project's survey results show that, while South Africans still tend to hold negative views about each other, the nation-building project has had some impact on their collective views towards foreigners.
Almost without exception across racial and income groups, attitudes towards foreigners are negative and steeped in stereotypes, reinforcing the perception that 'they do not belong'. Thus, by virtue of not being South African citizens, foreigners are barred from a range of economic, social and welfare benefits in a process that has been described as 'excluded by nation building'.
This is best illustrated by the fact that foreign nationals are not afforded the same protection as South Africans by that state, either because of their status or because of xenophobic attitudes among officials.
Previous research conducted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and other organisations documents the complicity of some officials in corruption, intimidation and abuse of foreigners.
Foreigners state that they are reluctant to report violent crimes because police neglect to follow up cases, commonly interrogate and victimise the complainant, and, most importantly, because they risk being detained themselves, regardless of the validity of their documentation.
Fifthly, public and official discourse does little to dispel myths and stereotypes pertaining to foreign nationals. Many of the beliefs about foreigners are based on ignorance and/or hearsay. Sweeping generalisations are made about foreigners without any apparent evidence or knowledge, and it is only when confronted with actual evidence to the contrary, that some South Africans are willing to reconsider their views.
For many South Africans, Africa continues to be the 'dark continent', and they have very little knowledge of, or interest in, the countries and cultures that exist beyond the Limpopo, or indeed in getting to know their fellow Africans living in South Africa.
In 2000 and again in 2004, the Southern African Migration Project conducted an analysis of print media coverage of cross-border migration in South and Southern Africa's major English-language newspapers, drawing from more than 1 200 clippings about migration between 1994 and 1998 and a further 950 clippings about migration between 2000 and 2003.
In sum, the findings suggest that coverage of international migration by the South African press has been largely anti-immigrant and un-analytical.
Not all reporting is negative, and newspaper coverage would appear to be improving over time, but the overwhelming majority of the newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor surveyed for this research were negative about immigrants and immigration and extremely superficial in nature - uncritically reproducing problematic statistics and assumptions about cross-border migration.
While not blaming the media as the cause of xenophobia, the report concludes that, at best, the press have been presenting a very limited perspective of cross-border migration dynamics, and in the process leaving the South African public in the dark as to the real complexities at play.
At worse, the press has been contributing to xenophobic sentiments in the general public by weaving myths and fabrications around foreigners and immigration.
The immediate impact of the xenophobic violence in South Africa
There have been a number of immediate socio-economic implications stemming from the xenophobic violence in South Africa - many of which will still be impacting the country in the future.
The first set of implications for South Africa (and the region) was, and still is, logistical. The displacement of populations has been of grave concern. In the immediate aftermath of the violence, a humanitarian crisis developed as displaced people faced shortages of shelter, food, medical care and sanitation in crudely affected temporary accommodation in police stations, churches and even petrol stations.
In collaboration with local government, UNHCR and NGOs had to step into an emergency situation, providing food, shelter, medical supplies and clothes in the vacuum created by an absence of policy or planning for such an eventuality.
Temporary refugee camps were constructed in various parts of the country to accommodate the displaced until they could be reintegrated into their communities or until they decided to return to their countries of origin.
These camps in themselves created problems: there were complaints from residents in the suburbs in which they were constructed about the possible impact of the camps on middle-class house prices and crime in the area, which illustrates that xenophobic attitudes in South Africa are not limited to poor blacks living in informal settlements. In addition, violence flared up again in some of the camps between foreign nationals from different countries, usually over scare resources.
The punishment of the perpetrators of the violence is a second logistical nightmare - firstly because of the difficulties of identifying perpetrators of the violence. Foreign nationals cite fear and intimidation or their own illegal immigrant status as barriers to reporting, while South Africans cite an unwillingness to get involved or the fear of being seen to be on the side of foreigners.
Secondly, any mass prosecution of the perpetrators would place a terrible strain on an already over-burdened criminal justice system. This means that justice may well not be served for the victims of the xenophobic violence - those injured and displaced, as well as those who lost property and possessions, and those who lost family members.
This creates a culture of impunity for those involved in perpetrating the violence, which could contribute to a belief that xenophobic violence is tolerated by the state.
Furthermore, a lack of justice for the victims of the violence compounds the perception and reality that foreign nationals in South Africa struggle to access the criminal justice system.
She second immediate implication for South Africa is that the country was once again in the international press for all the wrong reasons. The xenophobic attacks immediately sent a negative message to the rest of the world about the security situation in the country and the South African government's ability to contain outbreaks of violence.
Already perceived by the rest of the world as having a runaway crime and violence problem, the xenophobic attacks added to the negative opinion of South Africa's ability to host such an immense international sporting event as the soccer World Cup, in terms of providing adequate security, as well as ensuring the safety of players and fans.
In addition, the xenophobic violence put some strain on the South African government's relationship with the governments of neighbouring countries. There was the widespread condemnation of the xenophobic violence by regional leaders, many whose citizens had been victims of the violence or displacement.
One of the underlying sentiments behind the regional leaders' dissatisfaction seemed to be that, during apartheid, many ANC cadres found refuge in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania, Botswana, Zambia and beyond, in which countries they were offered asylum and assistance.
Some members of the South African government have insisted on labeling the xenophobic violence as purely criminal, refusing to acknowledge its political facets as violence motivated by dynamics of inclusion or exclusion, access to resources and nationalistic identities, with, undeniably, an element of opportunistic criminal activity.
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