Hopewell Radebe and Dumisani Muleya
10 November 2008
Johannesburg — IN SPITE of SA saying it would take a tough line in a weekend summit to salvage Zimbabwe's power-sharing negotiations, the parties failed to put aside their differences at heated talks in Sandton last night.
President Kgalema Motlanthe opened yesterday's proceedings expressing his "disappointment" at the lack of progress, yet the parties still failed to make any breakthroughs on the vexed question of the division of cabinet posts.
SA was hosting the make-or-break summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders in its capacity as chair of SADC.
However, the SADC leaders failed to come up with a solution, except to support a suggestion of having two home affairs ministers to break the deadlock, which the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) rejected.
The outcome of the meeting was bound to determine the fate of the faltering agreement between Zanu (PF) and two opposition MDC factions signed on September 15.
The parties have been fighting over the distribution of ministries and other matters related to the implementation of the deal ever since.
The leaders wanted the parties to agree on ministries and go back home to form a government and address outstanding issues later.
Motlanthe set the ball rolling with a strong opening address, a departure from the usually indirect and mild approach by SADC leaders.
Motlanthe said it was "disappointing" to realise Zimbabweans leaders were still haggling over ministries and other issues two months after the signing of the agreement.
"The historic power-sharing agreement signed on September 15 remains the vehicle to help extricate Zimbabwe from her socioeconomic challenges," he said.
"It is, however, disappointing that it is now two months since the signing of the agreement and the parties have not yet been able to conclude the discussions on the formation of an inclusive government."
Indirectly attacking President Robert Mugabe, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and the other smaller MDC faction leader, Arthur Mutambara, Motlanthe said the leaders needed to show "political maturity" to resolve the issue.
"The political leadership in Zimbabwe owe it to the people of Zimbabwe and the region to show political maturity by putting the interest of Zimbabwe first," he said.
"We urge the three parties to build on the achievement made thus far and reach an agreement on the outstanding issues, including the ministry of home affairs."
Apart from ministries, there was still the issue of sharing 10 provincial governors' positions, the appointment of ambassadors and permanent secretaries, the role, function and composition of the national security council, the amendment of the constitution to facilitate the agreement, and the arbitrary changing of the original agreement by Zanu (PF) under Mugabe's orders.
Mugabe is said to have insisted on his position of having two home affairs ministers shared between his Zanu (PF) and the MDC.
But Tsvangirai rejected this, saying he wanted "fair and equitable" allocation of ministries based on "clusters and functions" of the portfolios.
It is said Mugabe shook his head when Tsvangirai was making his presentation, prompting SADC leaders to urge him to show respect to his rival.
Mugabe argued he would not give home affairs to the MDC because the party was allegedly training militias in Botswana to destabilise Zimbabwe.
Several MDC activists were arrested and detained last week in connection with the issue, which the opposition says is a fabrication to divert attention from real issues.
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This is a tragic day for Zimbabwe and for southern Africa.
The facts of the situation are: 1) The Zimbabwean economy has disintegrated over the last eight years under the ZANU-PF kleptocracy, leaving 4 million people-plus on the brink of starvation; 2) the people of Zimbabwe voted for the MDC during the March election; 3) as SADC's own observers acknowledged, the presidential rerun in June was NOT free and fair; 4) thus, Mugabe has in effect staged a violent coup.
To allow Mugabe to be part of a government of national unity is already a huge concession. MDC rightly insists that it would be betraying its mandate from the people of Zimbabwe if it does not receive at least an equal share of the power in the GNU. SADC has now, in effect, endorsed Mugabe's violent grab for power and has sent out the message that it will not take a stand against dictators like Mugabe who violate the sovereignty of their own nations.
As a result of SADC's failure to hold Mugabe to account, Zimbabwe remains in political limbo, with the threat of starvation and further disintegration becoming greater all the time.
SADC has also affirmed its rejection of worldwide standards of democracy, justice and the sovereign independence of nations to determine their own destiny through free and fair elections. This does not augur well for our future. May God be merciful to us and deliver the needy from their oppressors.
So these SADC leaders want Tsvangirai to share 'Home Affairs' with Mugabe after Mugabe has gotten 'Defence' and 'Internal Security'? It is clear to all now that SADC supposes that the MDC is a junior partner to ZANU (PF)in the envisaged inclusive government. Howelse can someone think that what we are witnessing is an indeed powersharing of equal partners? I think Tsvangirai is right to reject this arrangement. Tsvangirai should now appeal the matter to AU before taking it to where we all want it to go (the UN). We know that taking the matter to the AU full of unelected dictators like Gaddaffi of Lybia could be a waste of time as the AU is an even more worthless organisation than SADC but procedure and precedence mean that AU should hear it first before the UN. I was also not happy with the dictatorial tone of the SADC Secretary General, Dr Salomao. Dr Salomao must be under no illussion that he can force his beliefs on Tsvangirai. Zimbabweans elected their leaders on March 29, 2008 and Mugabe lost the elections. Mugabe is only at the helm because of his control of coercive forces in the country such as the Army, the Police, the Secrete Police, the Party Militia and other rogue elements. I am also disgusted by Kgalema Motlante and Jacob Zuma of South Africa. The two South African leaders rumbled like thunder before the summit but we did not see any lightning from them. Why can't these African leaders ditch the eighty five year old Mugabe? Is Mugabe using African magic against them or it's just shear cowardice on their part.
maricho at the outset there is nothing called "african magic". magic is an ancient tradition practiced globally.
as for morgan and his mdc team this could have been a gracefully exit for Bob had he been wise enough to read between lines and see beyond the curtain.
Africans we need to know more than what has been protrayed on TV about African Leaders. Here is a picture of what is really behind the noise about Mugabe. Its about anyone who stands up against the West, who think its the right to taken and run Africa and its resources. A direct sign was demonstrated for us, when The UK Foreign Secretary Miliband and his French Counterpart, went into DRC, without following the protocol, as they went to represent EU and their investments. Please read the following and please see what is really behind the scenes. Tsvangirai seems to be telling all Africans that their decisions are not important unless the EU and UN have the last say.
When the forces of Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni overran eastern Zaire in October 1996, under the guidance of Baroness Lynda Chalker, the head of Britain's Overseas Development Office, this military phase was the culmination of an invasion of Zaire which had been ongoing for the past three years: the theft of Zaire's wealth and patrimony. Zaire, as a nation, is being dismembered. Its various energy-rich provinces, including Shaba and Kivu, are being encouraged to form separate micro-states. Already, because of the economic dislocation forced on Zaire over the past seven years, most of the provinces act semi-autonomously from the central government; for example, Shaba province issues its own currency. In the following report, we document some of the most important features of this genocidal looting operation. On Sept. 21, 1996, a tiny Toronto, Canada-based raw materials company, Banro Resources Corp., obtained the concession to mine gold in Zaire's central-east province of Kivu. The rich concession starts in the town of Bukavu, and extends southward. Bukavu was the site of one of the major Rwandan refugee camps in Zaire, which was teeming with half-starved women and children. Banro needed this site cleared of people to begin its mining operations; the clearing started with Uganda's invasion of Zaire in mid-October. Banro appears to be a cutout for the Anglo American Corporation, which is the world's biggest mining company, and a key cog in the international oligarchy's Club of the Isles raw materials cartel. In August 1996, Toronto-based Barrick Gold obtained a gold mining concession in Zaire's northeast province, Haut Zaire, which reportedly covers 83,000 square kilometers. The Hollinger Corp.-allied Barrick is chaired by Peter Munk, and its strategy is shaped by the international intelligence network of former U.S. President George Bush, who is honorary senior adviser to its international advisory board. Also during 1996, the tiny Vancouver-based raw materials company Consolidated Eurocan, headed by international wheeler-dealer Adolf Lundin, began work on exploiting the Tenke-Fungurume copper-cobalt mines in Zaire's southernmost Shaba province, near the border with Zambia, which has the richest cobalt reserves in the world. Cobalt is a strategic metal, crucial in forming alloys with steel and other metals, giving them great strength and heat resistance. Some 40% of cobalt's use is in aircraft gas turbine engines, and 10% is in magnetic alloys. Consolidated Eurocan is purchasing the mining property in phases, for a quarter of a billion dollars, which is a ``song,'' for a property that could yield many tens of billions of dollars in revenues. Consolidated Eurocan is in a joint venture in this deal with Anglo American. Simultaneously, over the past 18 months, the American-based, Canadian-run American Mineral Fields, of former DeBeers Diamond executive Jean-Raymond Boulle, has obtained the Kipushi zinc mines in Shaba province, one of the largest sources of zinc in the world; the Vancouver- and Cayman Islands-based Panorama International has obtained significant cobalt holdings in Shaba province; and, Zaire's diamond company, MIBA (Zaire is one of the three largest diamond producers in the world), has been thrown open to bidding and takeover by foreign firms. - The `Second Great Scramble' -
When Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame, the Rwandan defense minister, recently called for a new Berlin Conference to set new borders for African states--referring to the 1884-85 Berlin Conference of the imperialist powers which ratified the national borders that are now in effect in Africa--he had in mind the fragmentation of Zaire into mini-states as a paradigm for all of Africa. The first Berlin Conference occurred during what was called the ``Great Scramble,'' during the 1880s and 1890s. Imperialist Britain and France led the way, and were joined by Belgium, Italy, and Germany, in grabbing up the raw material wealth of Africa. The Berlin Conference codified the Congo, which included present-day Zaire, as the personal property of Belgium's King Leopold II. Leopold II worked the Congo like a plantation, with brutal methods. For example, Congolese Africans who did not meet their production quotas had their arms amputated. This time around, the British are making a move to push the Belgians and French entirely out of Central Africa, and, at the same time, they don't want to have the expense of running a nation-state, an institution that they don't like anyway. Rather, they deploy the companies of their global raw materials cartel to buy up sections of a country. They keep the people needed to run the mining and related enterprises alive at subsistence levels, and the rest of the population is treated as useless eaters, left to starve or be butchered. Driving the British actions this time, is another ``Great Scramble.'' The international financier oligarchy, grouped around the House of Windsor, knows that the world financial bubble--which they themselves created--cannot be sustained, and will burst. They are getting out of paper financial instruments and into hard commodities: precious metals, such as gold; strategic metals, such as cobalt and tantalum; base metals, such as copper and zinc; energy supplies; and increasingly scarce food supplies. They want to either own the physical assets, or, better still, own the mine production facility for these assets. As the price of the hard commodity asset goes up, the oligarchy makes super-profits. At the same time, they have finger-tip control over the minerals, food stuffs, and so on upon which human life depends. They plan to exercise a food- and raw materials-control dictatorship in a post-collapse world. The international oligarchy already owns extensive raw materials holdings. But they now seek to obtain those holdings in Africa, Ibero-America, and Asia, which they don't control. Mineral-rich Zaire is in their target sights. Zaire's mineral belt is located in the eastern and southern part of the country (see {{Figure 1}}). It is a crystalline belt that runs alongside the Great Rift, a geological fault running from the Jordan River Valley in the Middle East, south through the Gulf of Aqaba, through Central Africa (where Zaire is located), down to southern Africa. - IMF, World Bank, financiers cut off credit -
Most of Zaire's raw materials holdings are owned by the state, and President Mobutu Sese Seko has resisted selling them to foreigners. A seven-year campaign, including a total credit and aid cutoff of Zaire, has been waged to force Mobutu to give in. At the center of the campaign has been the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the international banks, which are run by the same oligarchical forces that run the global raw materials cartel. On June 29, 1960, Zaire obtained its independence from Belgium, although, as with many African countries, it was only a partial independence, because the countries were kept in economic backwardness. In the case of Zaire, in 1961, its first elected President, Patrice Lumumba, was assassinated. Mobutu, who had been an Army general, was made President in 1965. In 1967, he declared that all the minerals in Zaire's subsoil belonged to Zaire, and nationalized the foreign mining holdings, which meant principally Belgium's two all-powerful companies, Union Miniere and Societe Generale. According to one source, ``The Belgians were so angry at Zaire that they took with them all their records and plans needed to mine.'' Despite difficulties, and while never enjoying true economic developments that would have brought a decent standard of living to Zaire's now 40 million people, Zaire nonetheless was able to harness and mine some of its immense raw materials wealth. A sample of what Zaire accomplished can be gleaned from the report of the {Minerals Yearbook}, published by the Bureau of the Mines of the U.S. Department of Interior (Vol. III). In 1988, among the world's raw materials mining countries, Zaire held the following rank, for the following commodities: Cobalt -- world's largest producer and exporter Diamonds -- 2nd in the world Copper -- 5th in the world Tin -- 12th in the world Zinc -- 20th in the world Zaire also mined other commodities, such as barite, boron, magnesium, and gold. Because of historical ties, Zaire shipped a good amount of these goods to Belgium. In the 1960s, in order to run its mining operations, Zaire created the state-owned La Generale des Carrieres et des Mines du Zaire, which is known by its acronym, Gecamines. One of its other important state-owned companies was based in Kivu province, the Societe Miniere et Industrielle de Kivu, known by its acronym Sominki. When Belgium granted Zaire independence, it bequeathed to Zaire about $5 billion in debt, which Belgium had run up. By the late 1980s, Zaire's debt stood at about $8 billion--a large debt for a small economy based on raw materials and food, but no manufacturing. Zaire got further and further behind on its debt payments, and finally defaulted on most of it in the early 1990s. This was the excuse that the banks wanted. They demanded that Zaire pay the debt, but also, joined by the World Bank and others, demanded that Zaire ``democratize'' its government and, especially, privatize its state-owned raw materials mining concerns. Privatization had three components: slashing the social services provided to miners by law, laying off half the workforce at Gecamines, and selling more than half of the different properties of Gecamines and Sominki to foreign investors. Secessionist movements were started in Shaba province; the net effect would be to dismantle the Zairean state. The banks organized an international credit cutoff, meaning that Zaire could not get the money to purchase mining machinery, spare parts, and other essential imports. The West had always denied Zaire technology transfer, as long as the raw materials wealth was primarily in Zairean hands. Around 1993, the World Bank and IMF declared a credit cutoff to Zaire. A senior source at the U.S. Geological Survey reported on Nov. 27, 1996, that the World Bank and its loan guarantee agency, the Multi-Lateral Investment Guarantee Corporation (MIGA), recommended to Zaire that it would not get new money until it agreed to ``modernize,'' that is, privatize, its mining operations, by selling off sections of state holdings. At about the same time, the governments of Belgium, France, and the United States cut off all official government aid to Zaire. Currency warfare was unleashed in 1990, and has continued to this day. At one point, the Zairean currency, the zaire, depreciated from a few new zaires to the dollar, to 3,250 to the dollar. This devaluation meant that Zaire earned almost nothing for its foreign exports. As the U.S. Geological Survey source explained, ``The economy went down the tubes. Mining production today is 10% of what it was in the late 1980s. Because of the economic dislocation, most of the provinces are operating on their own.'' Indeed, between 1987 and 1993, cobalt production fell 82%, and copper production fell 90%. As a result, exports of minerals and metals, which accounted for three-quarters of Zaire's foreign exchange earnings, dried up. Zaire's ability to service the debt, should it choose to do so, disappeared. The conditions of life for the population worsened, in a country in which living conditions were already bad. In 1990, only 39% of Zaireans had access to safe drinking water. Infrastructure is virtually nonexistent. In 1994, Zaire's infant mortality rate was 111 deaths per 1,000 live births, i.e., an 11% infant death rate, more than 13 times that in the United States. In 1992, the last year for which figures were available, 335,000 Zairean children under the age of five died. In 1994, life expectancy in Zaire was 53 years, lower than in 1990. Under this assault, President Mobutu opened the door to privatizing Zaire's patrimony, although still not at a rate fast enough to satisfy the World Bank vultures. - The corporate invasion - At the heart of the invasion of Zaire's mining properties, are the Canadian mining companies and the Oppenheimer family-run Anglo American Corp., which often takes the Canadian companies under its wing in joint ventures. The Canadian mining companies started an invasion of Zaire in 1994, which reached a flood tide in 1996. This was the opening shot of the ``Second Great Scramble.'' The Canadian mining companies represent forward beachheads for the Commonwealth-centered British Empire (see {EIR Special Report,} May 24, 1996, ``The Sun Never Sets on the New British Empire''). Behind the companies, lurks the shadowy presence of the Oppenheimer family's Anglo American Corp., the linchpin of the Club of the Isles' raw materials cartelization strategy. We look at three examples. First, the takeover of Sominki, in Kivu province, by Toronto-based Banro Resource Corp. Zaire has three eastern provinces: Haut Zaire, in the northeast; Kivu, in the center-east; and Shaba (formerly Katanga), in the southeast. Kivu province is second in richness of raw materials, after Shaba. The leading mining concern in Kivu is the Societe Miniere et Industrielle de Kivu, or Sominki. Sominki was formed in 1976 as an amalgamation of nine companies that had been operating in Kivu province since the early 1900s. It operates 47 mining concessions, encompassing an area of 10,271 square kilometers. In 1996, Banro Corp. of Toronto bought 36% of Sominki, raising some of its money for the purchase by floating shares in Singapore. Banro was previously a small financial institution, with little apparent aptitude for mining. The impression is that it was reconfigured as a company for the special purpose of this purchase, perhaps acting as a front for someone. (Who that someone is, will become clear.) Another large chunk of Sominki was bought by the Belgium-based company Mines D'or du Zaire, or MDDZ. Owning 60% of MDDZ is Cluff Mining Co. of London, and controlling 65% of Cluff is Anglo American Corp., the world's largest mining company and a key component of the Club of the Isles. On Sept. 21, 1996, Banro and MDDZ announced their merger, with Banro selling its shares to MDDZ. The new Banro-MDDZ company consolidated a 72% stake in Sominki, while the government of Zaire holds 28%. The Banro-MDDZ entity has announced that it plans to acquire that 28% from the government. The overall enterprise is essentially a vehicle for Anglo American. According to various Banro corporate reports and news releases, Banro was anxious to get its mining operations started as quickly as possible. However, the Sominki mining zone that Banro acquired started in the town of Bukavu, the center for the major camp for Rwandan refugees who had fled to Zaire, with nearly a million people. To get mining started, the entire zone would require clearing. Suddenly, as Uganda launched its invasion of eastern Zaire, near Bukavu, in mid-October, there was firing on the Bukavu refugee camp, supposedly against ``Hutu rebels'' who were hiding there. The military attack on the camp forced hundreds of thousands of refugees to flee Kivu province, back to Rwanda. But, who did the firing? While a clear answer is not forthcoming, it may have involved portions of the newly acquired Sominki apparatus itself. For, in acquiring Sominki, Banro did not just acquire a company; it acquired the effective governmental structure of the entire Kivu province. According to a Banro corporate press release, ``Sominki owns an extensive infrastructure which includes repair shops, machine shops, electrical shops and a large fleet of Land Rover vehicles. In addition, it operates six hydroelectric sites, a number of air strips, and 1,000 kilometers of roads. Sominki is virtually self-sufficient. The company has about 5,000 employees.'' The release added, ``In fact, Sominki is {the de facto government providing all the essential services for the Kivu Province}'' (emphasis added). Banro/Anglo American effectively stole a good chunk of the government of Kivu. This is the British model for the Second Great Scramble. As a mining company, Sominki has its own explosives supplies and access to weapons, i.e., it has the capability to carry out such an attack, or is in a commanding position to influence, those who fired on the refugee camps. The second example, is that of American Mineral Fields (AMF), which is based in Hope, Arkansas, but run from Canada. AMF has acquired from Gecamines the Kipushi copper-zinc mine, one of the world's premier copper-zinc mines, located in Shaba province (copper and zinc are often mined together). The Belgians developed Kipushi and began mining in 1925. At its peak in 1988, the Kipushi mine produced 143,000 tons of zinc, and 43,000 tons of copper. Its total known and probable reserves stand at 22.6 million tons, grading 2.1% copper and 13.8% zinc. AMF is the brainchild of its owner, Jean-Raymond Boulle, a former executive for DeBeer's Diamonds. In turn, AMF signed an agreement with Anglo American, which allows Anglo American to invest up to $100 million in any AMF venture in Shaba province, representing up to a 50% equity stake in the venture, including the Kipushi mine. Once again, ubiquitous Anglo American shows up. The third example, is that of tiny Consolidated Eurocan of Vancouver. In 1996, Eurocan finalized a deal that will allow it to purchase from the state mining company Gecamines, a 55% interest in the Tenke-Fungurume copper-cobalt deposits. Eurocan will pay a quarter of a billion dollars over 72 months for its stake, but the stake is worth potentially tens of billions of dollars in revenues. According to a Eurocan spokesman on Dec. 18, Tenke-Fungurume, located in Shaba province, represents the largest operating cobalt reserves in the world. It has geological reserves of 222 million tons of copper and cobalt, with potential reserves of 1 billion tons. Consolidated Eurocan is owned and run by Canadian wheeler-dealer Adolf Lundin. One U.S. mining source reported, ``There is no way that Eurocan can develop the mines on its own. It doesn't have the capabilities. It will have to sell off shares to established mining companies, most likely Iskor and Gencor, to work the properties.'' Iskor and Gencor are both South African companies, and part of the British raw materials cartel. Thus, these Canadian companies, in some cases stalking horses for Anglo American, are gobbling up Zaire's gold, copper, zinc, and cobalt reserves. Add to this, the Barrick Gold purchase of a huge concession in Haut Zaire, and the fact that there is now discussion of opening up the major government-owned diamond mining company, Societe Miniere de Bakwanga (MIBA), to foreign investors. MIBA accounts for 40% of Zaire's official diamond exports. The remaining 60% are developed by artisanal miners, i.e., prospectors, who then sell the gems to ``Israeli diamond buyers and to [international gem dealer] Maurice Templesman,'' according to a knowledgeable source. The Belgian-born Tempelsman, who squired around Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis before she died, is an international tycoon. He is former president of the U.S. Africa Society, a group that is influential in the shaping of U.S. government Africa policy.
To hell with illegitimate president Mugabe! SADC ought to remind him sternly that he has not been elected by Zimbos and that unless he settles down on a real 50/50 share in government, new elections under UN supervision should become the order of the day.
In case devil Mugabe continues to confiscate power, concerted action by SADC should aim at dislodging him even if it comes to using armed forces of the neighbouring countries.
Who is devil Mugabe to impose his will on how the 50/50 compromise should be enacted? Why SADC does not defy him since he is not recognized as the legitimate leader?
It seems that under the faltering position of SADC, Zimbabwe will continue to be the rotten banana republic of the dictator, monster, murderer Mugabe.
History has already condemned him.
The only hope for Zimbabwe is for the Police and Army foot soldiers to realize how stupid they are to support Zanu PF
Brother Prem, SADC is useless. We thought that the coming to power of Zuma (in the form of Motlante) was going to reenergise SADC but it seems these liberation war heroes have a way of reaching out to each other. It can be Mbeki vs Zuma but you will find that when it comes to Mugabe the two adversaries bury the knives and stand together to support a long time comrade. All that we did not know and presupposed has been exhumed and revealed to us: that Mugabe has the support of all these SADC rulers except Ian Khama of Botswana. With the death of Levy Mwanawasa in Zambia, I bet my last dollar that Rupiah Banda now supports Mugabe. The multi billion US$ question is why does most of these simingly good leaders support a dictator who has been in power for close to three decades? I would understand Edwardo Dos Santos of Angola's support for Mugabe but I would not understand why Jacob Zuma, Kgalema Motlante, Jakaya Kikwete, Bingu waMutharika, Amando Guebbuzza etc support Mugabe with a passion. SADC leaders like Kikwete support democracy during the night to get aid from the West but during the day they are not ashamed to support dictators like Mugabe. Perhaps the SADC leaders want leaders to change but they do not want the political party in power to change as is the case in Zimbabwe at the present moment. But that is unfair because in Zimbabwe, ZANU (PF) used to have very good younger leaders who could take over from Mugabe but Mugabe would not even allow internal succession. People like Tsvangirai who had never dreamt of being presidents before 1997 had to move in to fill in the yawning political vacuum as the young ZANU (PF)leaders took turns to refuse to go into the ring against their charismatic leader. Other like Mavambo leader, Simba Makoni were actually driven into opposition politics by the wicked desire to split the opposition vote so that Tsvangirai does not win against their Dear Leader, Mugabe. So given the scenario, I have highlighted who can blame Tsvangirai for filling in the void left by the young ZANU (PF)generation? To complicate issues for ZANU (PF), its young generatin has all been tainted by Mugabe's corrupt rule that it will be impossible for Zimbabweans to vote for another ZANU (PF) leader after Mugabe. It's clear that after Mugabe leaves power (through death), an opposition leader will rise to power in Zimbabwe.
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