2 December 2008
editorial
The persecution and reprieve of Tonota South MP, Pono Moatlhodi may seem like an obscure albeit dramatic event. But political observers must be able to read the signs and draw the necessary lessons and conclusions.
In our considered view, the event marks, in very graphic terms, a number of patterns, all showing a dramatic turn for the worst in our democratic development. The ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) would like to define government as an executive led by the party leadership.
Here, the executive dominates and leads the other arms of government. In other words, the BDP bigwigs like to think that Parliament is or should be answerable to the executive. The Moatlhodi fiasco has inadvertently furthered this ominous pattern. It has not slammed the brakes on the assumption as some would like to believe.
First, it is important to note that Moatlhodi as an individual is an honest person, always willing to speak his mind. But as an MP Moatlhodi is no Botsalo Ntuane, Robert Molefhabangwe or Keletso Rakhudu. He does not have an inherent principled position against the current usurpation of power by the executive.
If Moatlhodi was somehow cast in this event as a soldier fighting for parliamentary independence, it is a mistake. The MP became a victim of his own honest input into the parliamentary debates and the public's desperate need for a leader to stand up against the impending authoritarianism of the executive.
Moatlhodi is not capable of defining in extensive intellectual terms the weaknesses in his own party, let alone fighting for a principle such as parliamentary independence or privilege.
That is why instead of vigorously defending what he said in Parliament, he grovelled before the party leadership, pleaded guilty and asked for forgiveness. By doing so, he set a bad precedent.
He has diminished the power and stature of the legislature by kowtowing to party bosses and the executive. He has somehow made Parliament answerable to the party and the cabinet when the reverse is the case.
After he groveled for forgiveness we knew that he is an opportunist not worthy of our support. We were to defend a principle of parliamentary democracy not Moatlhodi who turns around and calls Khama 'bo-tate'. Khama might be the President, but he is not a demi-god and Moatlhodi should know better than to rubbish our democracy on allure of a parliamentary post.
Therefore, having recognised the power gifted to them by a chastised and fawning Moatlhodi, the party leadership did the best thing for themselves. They forgave him.
The lesson to be drawn from the saga is that under the rising thirst for centralised power in the ruling party, it is the people who are capable of fighting against the hijacking of our democracy by a scared lot cowering before a feared demi-god.
The public is therefore, urged to be more proactive, and make their views known on important matters for they cannot rely on the inner workings of the BDP to safeguard this country's democracy, as the Moatlhodi fiasco proved.
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