Tunde Sanni
4 January 2009
Lagos — Last Tuesday, four civil society organisations petitioned the United Nations Special Rapporteur Mr. Leandro Despouy over the dismissal of former Chairman of Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, from the Police. Socio-Economic Rights & Accountability Project (SERAP), Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC) and Partnership for Justice (PFJ), in their joint petition, accused the Police authorities of failure to adhere to what they termed "internationally recognised fair trial standards."
The protest of the four civil society groups comes in the wake of tepid response by Nigerians to the dismissal of the super cop who barely a year ago was idolized and lionized by them. In fact it can be said that only few Nigerians were surprised at the present ordeal of the former Chairman of EFCC as the power he wielded under the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency was akin to the one wielded by Major Al-Mustapha during the goggled era of late General Sani Abacha. However, the Ribadu case can be said to be different from that of Al-Mustapha since he was widely perceived as fighting to cleanse the rot in the society.
But the irony was just that Ribadu never learnt from the Al-Mustapha experience after his principal, Abacha died on the throne. He literarily trampled on everything that crossed his path while waging the anti-graft war. It was at a public lecture and colloquium hosted by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), University of Ibadan, where the then EFCC chieftain said that his commission was not ready to be part of the Nigerian system that would continue to lionise the then two strongmen of Oyo politics, Alhaji Lamidu Adedibu and Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala. He had said: "I will never do anything to help any Adedibu or any Akala" adding, "whatever we do is to the best of our ability and with the fear of God, "Ribadu told the crowd of invited guests at the Trenchard Hall of the nation's premier university.
In an unmistakable radical tone, the former EFCC chief had added, "when I passed through the street of Ibadan, I couldn't see a single road. This is very unfair. This is Ibadan that was the pride of Africa. The only thing that people in Nigeria and the whole world are talking in terms of Ibadan is Adedibu and Akala. How can such people be our leaders in this state and in this country?"
The event took place in January 2006. It was at a time controversy had continued to dog the gubernatorial ticket conferred on Akala who was then a deputy governor under Senator Rasidi Ladoja. But the events painted the picture of an anti- graft Czar under pressure from some powerful political clique whose interest he dared not contradict if he would remain in office. Barely three days after Ribadu's celebrated lecture, Adedibu placed an advertorial in a local national daily where he deposed to some classified materials against Ribadu and declared that he was unmoved by his statement.
It was a vintage Adedibu but the former EFCC chief looked the other way. A week after, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party {PDP} on February 3, 2006 in Akure formally presented the embattled deputy governor with the party flag to make his gubernatorial ticket for the party at the April 14, 2007 poll, a fait accompli. Earlier, the then Deputy Chairman of the party in the Southwest, Olabode George had hinted at the launch of the party secretariat that thousands of Ribadus would not influence the party from fielding Akala for the general poll.
The EFCC boss was to later abdicate from the Adedibu/Akala case to launch a war against some of the governors who were seeking re-election or seeking election into other political offices during the general election. In an action suggestive of being influenced by Aso Rock, Ribadu declared some governors corrupt and vowed never to support their electoral bid. The commission had listed the names of the corrupt governors and that of the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar as those ineligible to contest the April general poll. The names were sent to the electoral agency. It took Atiku litigation to the Supreme Court for INEC to allow him and other governors to contest the election. Paradoxically, the name of Akala and other perceived loyalists of Obasanjo were missing on the EFCC list. Since then, Ribadu in the eyes of the radical elements in the society, especially Oyo State became less worthwhile.
His actions afterwards, contradicted the picture he had painted at the U.I. Colloquim as he had debunked allegations that his commission had been selective in its crusade, targeting only perceived enemies of Obasanjo, declaring that his agency embarked on the crusade with the best of intention and sincerity. "When we moved our searchlights from the 419ners and the thieving bank barons, to the corridors of the political elites, hell was let loose. There are cries and screams of 'selective justice' and 'Gestapo tactics' and all sorts of diversionary propaganda. Unable to deal with the message, the Nigerian political elite has smartly reverted to that discredited tactics of hacking down the messenger. Obasanjo has never dictated to us nor does he interfere with the work we do. But people who are making the allegations want to distract us for their selfish reasons."
Before the premier university lecture, Ribadu was just emerging from the alleged brutish manner his agency treated the former Inspector General of Police, Alhaji Tafa Balogun. The sins of the former IGP remained sketchy to 'outside' Nigerians but insiders knew that it was an extension of the war for the control of Aso Rock that had raged then between Obasanjo and Atiku. Balogun was suspected to be working against the interest of Aso Rock and he had been relieved of his job and then had EFCC's officials let loose on him who treated the former police chief like a common criminal. Not even the massive frame of Balogun or his former awesome office had an effect on the officials who marched, kicked, slapped and did everything to brutalise the former IGP. As he was doing this, Ribadu might not have considered his commission as a police officer who needed to be civil on his prey.
There had been massive condemnations on the treatment meted to Mustapha Balogun but the former EFCC chief had not balked since his employer in Aso Rock was happy with his actions. He had his way as well as his say then but now he is feeling the trauma.
Another area where Ribadu bared his fang as an official with zero tolerance for corruption was the case of former Bayelsa State governor, Chief Diepreye Alamieyesiegha who allegedly dressed in a woman's robe to evade the British police. He arrived Yenagoa, feeling safe but the ambush of EFCC officials caught up with him. Before the former governor could wriggle out, lawmakers in the state had been influenced to impeach him. Bereft of any immunity, he had been arrested like a common criminal and taken to Abuja where he began another regime in prosecution. He had to enter into a plea bargain before he could be released.
Basking in the Bayelsa successful impeachment saga, Ribadu had spread his tentacle to Ekiti and Plateau states where the legislators even at the wee hours of the day and without quorum had impeached their governors. Ayodele Fayose believed to be an Obasanjo yes- man until then had to beat security cordon to evade the Alamieyesiegha treatment. Joshua Dariye was also lucky, as he had gone into hiding hours before his impeachment. But while Dariye returned to the office through the instrumentality of the courts, Fayose could not as he had to take the NADECO route to flee the country.
Expectations that he would have his way post Obasanjo era became threatened as his commission soon collided with the office of the Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Mr. Michael Aondoakaa (SAN) on the prosecution of some former governors, notably Chiefs James Ibori of Delta State and Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia.
Ribadu's larger than life size began to wane when the Presidency directed that the commission and other anti-graft agencies should seek the consent of the AGF before prosecuting any corrupt public officials. It said the decision was in line with Section 43 of the EFCC Act.
However following the controversy generated by the directive, occasioned by fears that the move was an attempt by the administration to muzzle the EFCC, the Presidency on later made a U-turn. The AGF maintained however that he would still exercise supervisory powers over the EFCC and other anti-corruption bodies if they failed to carry out their functions in line with the dictates of the law.
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