Daily Independent (Lagos)
Olisemeka Obeche
5 January 2009
interview
Senator OLORUNNIBE MAMORA has a tradition of briefing the media and the people of his constituency at the beginning of every year. The essence of those well attended fora is to give account of his representation as well as offer his own perspective on some of the issues that shaped the polity in the previous year. In his usual effort of trying to carry the people along in his representation, the Deputy Senate Minority Leader not only gave a run down of his performance in 2008 but submitted himself for questioning.
With tact, brilliance and cadence, Mamora provided answers as well as insight into some of the issues raised during the forum. Reporter, OLISEMEKA OBECHE, was at the New Year Media Briefing.
Excerpts:
The review of the 1999 Constitution is on the card. What is your view on that especially on some of the contentious issues like state creation and what have you?
Well, with the inauguration of the National Assembly Joint Committee by the Senate president, the process of amending the constitution has started. This is the third attempt to do that. The previous attempts failed, with the 'third term virus' snuffing life out of the last attempt. It is my prayer that the present exercise will not only succeed but bring about deserved positive changes in our democratic march.
I am happy that Lagos State already has priority areas which were articulated at an Executive/Legislative retreat held last November at the Peninsula Resort at Ajah. These priority areas include the following: Principles of Federalism, Legislative Powers, State Police, Review of Derivation and Public Finance. Others are Independence of INEC and the Legislature, Local Government, Administration of justice, State of Emergency and Special Status for Lagos.
But I will continue to advocate that we should not seek to do a whole sale amendment but rather focus on a few issues on which national consensus can be built and take through as our first amendments; because the less contentious the issues the better for the exercise.
As for the issue of state creation, which many people had expressed serious concern about, I don't think it will pose a serious threat since the constitution clearly stipulates the procedure for doing that. Having said that, the best thing is to ensure that all righteousness have been fulfilled in all the provisions. I think that the most important thing now is for us to develop the political will to make that happen. I am saying this because don't forget the role of the National Assembly is that of the initiation of the process. So, what ever review we made will now be subject to the two-third majority of the 36 states' Houses of Assembly.
What is your assessment of the report of the Electoral Reform Committee recently released by the Justice Muhammed Uwais-led panel? What areas do you think should be improved upon?
I want to commend the Justice Muhammed Uwais Committee for a job well done. Though, I am yet to read through the report, glimpses from same suggest best of intentions and conscious efforts to correct anomalies in our electoral system. While I agree with the recommendation for true political and financial independence for INEC, I would like a modification of the process by which the electoral body is to be constituted. Rather than the Nigerian Judicial Council (NJC) appointing the members of the electoral body, the NJC should invite nominations from political parties, professional bodies like NBA, NUJ, Labour and students unions, Civil Society organisations, etc., and thereafter, the names of the nominees should be advertised in national dailies for people to make objections, if desirable within a time limit. The NJC would have the right to drop certain nominees if satisfied with the objections against them, in which case fresh nominees would be invited. The NJC after concluding its preliminary screening of the candidates would then forward the names to the Senate for confirmation. Such names would then be returned to the NJC after confirmation. The Presidency is completely insulated from the process. Financial independent for INEC will be largely attained through first line charge.
I strongly advocate a drastic reduction in the number of political parties contending for votes. The over 50 political parties we have at the moment is unwieldy. At the risk of being labelled an extremist, I advocate a two party system.
You will recall that even in some advanced democracies like the United States, they have two parties on ground, The Democratic Party and the Republican. If you go to the UK, the same thing, the Labour and Conservative parties are on ground; even in Ghana. And also, it was when we had the NRC and SDP, which was two party systems, that we had the most credible elections in the annals of our history. It is a system that is capable of effectively aborting the North/South dichotomy, religious dichotomy and primordial sentiments. Two party systems would enhance robust opposition and good governance.Funding of parties should also be performance based, that is based on number of seats won in state and national assemblies by the parties. Parties should no longer enjoy bonanza from government under the guise of grants. I believe that one of the reasons why we have this proliferation of parties is because they enjoy some grants from government, irrespective of whether they are actually effective or not. I think this should not be. Independent candidates should be allowed to vie for elections. If you will recall under our constitution, section 221, says that only political parties that can canvass for votes. What that means then is that if we must have independent candidature, that portion of the constitution must be amended.
What is your take on the travails of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu in relation to the rule of law?
The issue here is whether or not it is appropriate to dismiss Mallam Nuhu Ribadu from the police force while the suit he filed against his employers is pending in court.
Section 36(1) of the Constitution says: "In the determination of his civil rights and obligations, including any question or determination by or against any government authority, a person shall be entitled to a fair hearing within a reasonable time by a court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality."
Ribadu is not perfect, but he tried to make a difference. Inspite of his perceived 'excesses' as EFCC chief under Obasanjo, the young man must be given credit for his doggedness, courage, tenacity of purpose, passion for his job and for pushing the war against corruption into the front burner.
Some people have argued that he is the architect of his own fate. I don't share that view. The Ribadu treatment may discourage people from putting in their best under difficult environment. An otherwise brilliant career should not be short-circuited. The Yoruba have a saying that when you chastise a child with the right hand, you draw him closer with the left hand. Let it be so for Ribadu.
It is quite unfortunate. In fact, you will also recall that recently, there was an allegation hanging on Mallam Nasiru El-Rufai, the former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). I say it here without fear that no matter what anybody say, I think El-Rufai has made a difference in handling of the affairs of the FCT in Abuja. Whatever error or mistake the man might have made, he, like Ribadu, made a difference in the system he operated which is the FCT. And I am saying that a situation where after putting your best, despite certain mistakes or perceived excesses, you come out of it and then you are now witch-hunted; I think is not fair.
Why is it that the National Assembly, especially the Senate, has not been able to make a categorical statement on the issue since?
Ribadu case is still before a court of competent jurisdiction at the moment and that is the reason why the Senate has not made definite pronouncement on the matter. We shall not be able to air a collective view on the issue because the matter is subject to court, so that is the major constraint. But I can assure you that a number of my colleagues share the view that I have expressed, particularly within the ambit of discouraging people who might be genuinely interested in working for this country.
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