Senator OLORUNNIBE MAMORA has a tradition of briefing the media and the people of his constituency at the beginning of every year. The essence of those well attended fora is to give account of his representation as well as offer his own perspective on some of the issues that shaped the polity in the previous year. In his usual effort of trying to carry the people along in his representation, the Deputy Senate Minority Leader not only gave a run down of his performance in 2008 but submitted himself for questioning.

With tact, brilliance and cadence, Mamora provided answers as well as insight into some of the issues raised during the forum. Reporter, OLISEMEKA OBECHE, was at the New Year Media Briefing.

Excerpts:

The review of the 1999 Constitution is on the card. What is your view on that especially on some of the contentious issues like state creation and what have you?

Well, with the inauguration of the National Assembly Joint Committee by the Senate president, the process of amending the constitution has started. This is the third attempt to do that. The previous attempts failed, with the 'third term virus' snuffing life out of the last attempt. It is my prayer that the present exercise will not only succeed but bring about deserved positive changes in our democratic march.

I am happy that Lagos State already has priority areas which were articulated at an Executive/Legislative retreat held last November at the Peninsula Resort at Ajah. These priority areas include the following: Principles of Federalism, Legislative Powers, State Police, Review of Derivation and Public Finance. Others are Independence of INEC and the Legislature, Local Government, Administration of justice, State of Emergency and Special Status for Lagos.

But I will continue to advocate that we should not seek to do a whole sale amendment but rather focus on a few issues on which national consensus can be built and take through as our first amendments; because the less contentious the issues the better for the exercise.

As for the issue of state creation, which many people had expressed serious concern about, I don't think it will pose a serious threat since the constitution clearly stipulates the procedure for doing that. Having said that, the best thing is to ensure that all righteousness have been fulfilled in all the provisions. I think that the most important thing now is for us to develop the political will to make that happen. I am saying this because don't forget the role of the National Assembly is that of the initiation of the process. So, what ever review we made will now be subject to the two-third majority of the 36 states' Houses of Assembly.

What is your assessment of the report of the Electoral Reform Committee recently released by the Justice Muhammed Uwais-led panel? What areas do you think should be improved upon?

I want to commend the Justice Muhammed Uwais Committee for a job well done. Though, I am yet to read through the report, glimpses from same suggest best of intentions and conscious efforts to correct anomalies in our electoral system. While I agree with the recommendation for true political and financial independence for INEC, I would like a modification of the process by which the electoral body is to be constituted. Rather than the Nigerian Judicial Council (NJC) appointing the members of the electoral body, the NJC should invite nominations from political parties, professional bodies like NBA, NUJ, Labour and students unions, Civil Society organisations, etc., and thereafter, the names of the nominees should be advertised in national dailies for people to make objections, if desirable within a time limit. The NJC would have the right to drop certain nominees if satisfied with the objections against them, in which case fresh nominees would be invited. The NJC after concluding its preliminary screening of the candidates would then forward the names to the Senate for confirmation. Such names would then be returned to the NJC after confirmation. The Presidency is completely insulated from the process. Financial independent for INEC will be largely attained through first line charge.

I strongly advocate a drastic reduction in the number of political parties contending for votes. The over 50 political parties we have at the moment is unwieldy. At the risk of being labelled an extremist, I advocate a two party system.

You will recall that even in some advanced democracies like the United States, they have two parties on ground, The Democratic Party and the Republican. If you go to the UK, the same thing, the Labour and Conservative parties are on ground; even in Ghana. And also, it was when we had the NRC and SDP, which was two party systems, that we had the most credible elections in the annals of our history. It is a system that is capable of effectively aborting the North/South dichotomy, religious dichotomy and primordial sentiments. Two party systems would enhance robust opposition and good governance.Funding of parties should also be performance based, that is based on number of seats won in state and national assemblies by the parties. Parties should no longer enjoy bonanza from government under the guise of grants. I believe that one of the reasons why we have this proliferation of parties is because they enjoy some grants from government, irrespective of whether they are actually effective or not. I think this should not be. Independent candidates should be allowed to vie for elections. If you will recall under our constitution, section 221, says that only political parties that can canvass for votes. What that means then is that if we must have independent candidature, that portion of the constitution must be amended.

What is your take on the travails of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu in relation to the rule of law?

The issue here is whether or not it is appropriate to dismiss Mallam Nuhu Ribadu from the police force while the suit he filed against his employers is pending in court.

Section 36(1) of the Constitution says: "In the determination of his civil rights and obligations, including any question or determination by or against any government authority, a person shall be entitled to a fair hearing within a reasonable time by a court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality."

Ribadu is not perfect, but he tried to make a difference. Inspite of his perceived 'excesses' as EFCC chief under Obasanjo, the young man must be given credit for his doggedness, courage, tenacity of purpose, passion for his job and for pushing the war against corruption into the front burner.

Some people have argued that he is the architect of his own fate. I don't share that view. The Ribadu treatment may discourage people from putting in their best under difficult environment. An otherwise brilliant career should not be short-circuited. The Yoruba have a saying that when you chastise a child with the right hand, you draw him closer with the left hand. Let it be so for Ribadu.

It is quite unfortunate. In fact, you will also recall that recently, there was an allegation hanging on Mallam Nasiru El-Rufai, the former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). I say it here without fear that no matter what anybody say, I think El-Rufai has made a difference in handling of the affairs of the FCT in Abuja. Whatever error or mistake the man might have made, he, like Ribadu, made a difference in the system he operated which is the FCT. And I am saying that a situation where after putting your best, despite certain mistakes or perceived excesses, you come out of it and then you are now witch-hunted; I think is not fair.

Why is it that the National Assembly, especially the Senate, has not been able to make a categorical statement on the issue since?

Ribadu case is still before a court of competent jurisdiction at the moment and that is the reason why the Senate has not made definite pronouncement on the matter. We shall not be able to air a collective view on the issue because the matter is subject to court, so that is the major constraint. But I can assure you that a number of my colleagues share the view that I have expressed, particularly within the ambit of discouraging people who might be genuinely interested in working for this country.

What is your take on the 'bow and go syndrome which has almost become synonymous with the Senate screening exercise?

I don't share the view that it should just be bow and go. But if you look at the constitution, the Senate might just defend itself as the constitution says that 'no person shall be qualified to be a minister of the federation except he is qualified to be a member of the House of the Representatives.' So, if a person had been a member of the House of Representatives or the Senate, why not let him enjoy bow and go? But of course, that will not bring to test the intelligence of such a person. I think is not out of place to even ask what that person wants to bring to the table; what he or she has for the country, what difference he or she wants to make if he becomes a minister. So, I am saying that it is proper and appropriate to know how much the nominee has to offer the nation.

Aside that, it is more important to know that the whole essence of the screening is for us to determine the suitability of that person before the office or position the person is being appointed to hold. If you look at the trend in the United States of America, you will discover that the President-elect, Senator Barack Obama, had in less than two months, virtually put his cabinet in place. And, more importantly, he is going for the brightest and the best at the moment. He is assigning portfolio to these nominees, and also drawing from their wealth of experience: from what they have been able to do from their previous assignments.

That is the way it should have been in our own situation. But unfortunately, we don't have any constitutional provision compelling the President to do so; and that is the reason I have initiated the Tenure of Office Bill before the Senate in 2008. This is so, because section 60 of the 1999 Constitution grants us with the power to regulate our procedure, and if that is the procedure we want, let it be.

Again, another issue is how much screening a Senate of 109 senators within a given time limit can do for one person. It is difficult and that is why what is obtained in the United States, for example, is that such confirmation is done by committees where you have fewer members, trying to do a thorough screening. When you have, let's say, 10-15 senators, they would definitely do proper scrutiny in a better environment than the Senate of 109. So, this is one of the reasons why I am also pushing on this bill; because if it eventually passed, confirmation will be done by committees and it will be a more thorough exercise.

I want to appeal to the media to try and be fair to the National Assembly, the Senate in particular. I'm saying this because, we should not forget that representation is the most important role of a lawmaker; I say that lawmaking is probably the most advertised. The most important, as far as I am concerned, is representation. We are elected representatives of the people who are there to be the eyes and ears of the people. We cannot fold our arms and act as if we are not concerned, especially on the problems of the people. On the economy, let me remind you that when the global financial crisis started, we invited the economic team of the government, as they are being referred to: the Finance minister, the National Planning minister, the CBN governor, Special Adviser on Economy to come and brief the Senate on the true position of things; to tell the Senate what are the likely implication of the global recession on the Nigerian economy? And, of course, we were told that our system has in-built mechanism to absorb the shocks and all that. And, of course, that gave us the hope, because they are supposed to be the experts in that area.

When along the line, the naira started experiencing some depreciation; the naira, started nose-diving, we invited them again. So all these is borne out of the concern we have for the country. We invited them again and said o.k., how do we now reconcile what you told us earlier on with the realities of the moment? Again, the Governor of the Central Bank went on and on to reassure us that it is not unusual phenomenon; that it is not limited to Nigeria and what have you. At every given point in time, we have always shown concern.

What is the Senate doing over the recent allegations of sleaze levelled against it by one of its members?

Well, the Senate is not likely to be silent on that issue. You will recall that the other time, Senator Nuhu Aliyu made similar statement and when he was summoned to prove his allegations, only for him to retract the statements. So, I am saying that if it is true that he said so, I can assure that you have not heard the last from it. The colleague who made that statement will have to come before the Senate to prove his allegations, because it is no point to be a whistle-blower, you must also be ready to prove it. We must understand that the onus of proof lies with the one making the accusation. I can assure that as soon as we resume, this issue is likely to take center-stage and then we react at the appropriate time. What we are saying is that a senator is free to make his statement but when such a statement becomes sweeping and impinges on the integrity of the Senate as an institution and the entire senators, then we you need to do more to prove it.

Do you think that Farida Waziri is capable of fighting corruption in Nigeria?

To say the fact, I did not appoint Farida Waziri. Her appointment was made by the President of the country in his own judgment, and it is only fair to assume that the present can deliver the task; and that is why she has been appointed. Let me say that the President made his choice based on his own judgment and the Senate too, collectively took a decision to confirm. So, she has been on the job, let's give her the chance and believe that she will do the job and meet the expectations of Nigerians.

What are some of the activities that you have used your representation to achieved in the last year?

In the business of lawmaking, I had sponsored three bills: Tenure of Office Bill, Tobacco Control Bill and Surgeon-General Bill, all in the 2008. I also co-sponsored several other bills.

In the area of representation, I have always stated that representation is a core role expected of a legislator. To this end, my voice has remained critical and consistent with effective and efficient representation.

I sponsored a motion condemning the attempt by the United States of America to pass anti-trust legislation against OPEC member states of which Nigeria is a prominent member. Happily, the bill has since been withdrawn. I also co-sponsored many other motions drawing government's attention to deplorable state of infrastructures like road, power and security.

In the area of oversight, I had exercised my responsibility through membership of the respective committees of Health, Federal Character and Petroleum Upstream. I had equally carried out official assignments in Burkina Faso and Kigali, Rwandan capital, by virtue of my membership of the ECOWAS Parliament. I was also a member of the ECOWAS Observer Group that monitored Ghanaian presidential and parliamentary elections, December 7, 2008. I was also a recipient of the Nelson Mandela Leadership Award held in Accra Ghana last August.

In terms of constituency outreach, during the year under review, I undertook three major constituency outreach programmes. First is the Senator Mamora Educational Support programme in which educational materials and cash supports were given to a total number of 655 primary school pupils in my constituency. The programme was held between May 28 and June 29, 2008. The quarterly constituency interactive forum which was designed for briefing and feedback from the constituents continues to hold.

Another was the Constituency Relations Enhancement Programme which took place between June 20 and 21st 2008. The programme was organised in conjunction with the National Democratic Institute (NDI). It involved NGOs, Civil Society organisations, council chairmen and councilors. There was a workshop as well as visitation to constituency projects' sites and some traditional rulers within my senatorial district.

Of course, the third was the fifth edition of Senator Mamora Cup competition which has continued to wax stronger. In fact, it has become 'big, strong and reliable' with a total prize money of (N450,000), and the team participation increasing from 24 at the inception to 78.

As a member of the ECOWAS Parliament, what is your assessment of the African political situation, especially that of Zimbabwe?

The Bible made us to understand that "The heart of man is desperately wicked..." More importantly, humanity has repeatedly witnessed man's inhumanity to man; mind-boggling atrocities had been committed in the past: from the holocaust in Cambodia to Bosnia, to Iraq, to Rwanda and Dafur.

Unfortunately, in all these cases the international community had always acted belatedly, if not timidly. We continue to shout never again and yet "that which the eyes fear" continues to be witnessed by the very eyes in different dimensions and magnitude.

Zimbabwe, in recent times, had taken the centre stage for the wrong reason. Now, it is begging for attention and rescue action. No country has ever witnessed the level of inflation recorded in Zimbabwe - over 220 per cent. Hence, a once thriving African nation has now been brought to its knees by the actions and inactions of one single man - Robert Mugabe - who has become a modern day Frankenstein monster. Mugabe now runs Zimbabwe as a personal estate and acts with impunity. Poverty, disease, deprivation and stagnation have become the order of the day in the country.

Zimbabwe as it stands today is a failed state. But African leaders have collectively failed to pointedly and publicly condemn Mugabe. They have failed to confront him, and have become numb to the pains of Zimbabweans; and their cries have only reached the attention of deaf ears. African leaders seem not to have the moral authority to ask Mugabe to step aside simply because virtually every one of them is a potential Mugabe in his own right. They have become guilty of conspiracy of silence.

Nigeria must admit that in all this she is the greatest let down to Africa, more so with the role she played in Zimbawe's independence. Nigeria is referred to as the giant of Africa; of what use is a giant whose feet are not only clay but crippled? Nigeria must reconstruct her feet of clay and rise to walk again like a true giant. Nigeria must lead the assault on Mugabe; Nigeria must openly and unambiguously condemn Mugabe. The man must not be allowed to die. The Nobel laureate, Wole Soyinka, reminds us that the man dies in him who keeps silent in the face of moral crises. Nigeria must provide the leadership for Africa and get Africa to call Mugabe to order, as has overstayed his usefulness. The time to push him aside is now.