Solomon Gebre-Selassie
27 March 2009
(Page 2 of 2)
Finally, the struggle for democracy appeared fruitful following the eve of the 2005 national election, which showed some modest democratic openings. The TPLF agreed for the opposition to 'use' the state-dominated mass media for a designated period of time to introduce their election platforms, the regime notables agreed to debate in public with heads of the opposition parties, and peaceful demonstrations were allowed. The opposition's call for a peaceful demonstration in support of democratisation in the capital city, Addis Ababa, was able to draw over two million citizens. By contrast, the TPLF tried to cajole and bribe citizens to express support for the regime, but the turnout was embarrassingly low. Similarly, during the debates, citizens were exposed to the faults of the regime's policies on political and socio-economic matters. Because the TPLF sensed danger around losing power, the regime quickly returned to enforcing its old dictatorial habits through harassing opposition supporters.
This action prompted the major opposition parties to hold a joint press conference just 10 days before polling day, followed by another emergency press release a day before the polls opened. They warned the regime that the election process would be derailed unless it took immediate action to control the blatantly illegal actions of its cadres and armed militia. On election night, the TPLF tried to pre-empt opposition victory by declaring victory for itself while simultaneously issuing an emergency order to prohibit protests or celebrations. Foreign observers soon declared that the opposition had completely taken over and won the capital's administration, and indicated an overwhelming victory throughout the rest of the country. The regime realised its days were numbered, and that minimal time remained to reverse the Ethiopian population's gains. The TPLF grudgingly accepted its defeat in Addis Ababa, but started disputing and overturning results in outlying areas. Attempts at mediation by foreign observers failed, and the regime admitted to killing nearly 200 protesters who challenged its illegal acts and violence. Hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians were thrown in jail. The leaders of the opposition were also incarcerated and charged with alleged treason, thus eliminating any sentiment of promise and hope permeating through Ethiopia during the opening of the election.
Later, the regime slowly released its political prisoners, albeit one of the young leaders of the opposition, Ms Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge, was re-arrested over laughable pardon language. Perhaps the real reason for Ms Mideksa's arrest was the regime's fear of her leadership potential, and capacity to topple the regime in the forthcoming election in 2010.
Thus Ethiopia remains at a crossroads, and the nation's democratic struggle must be supported by all progressive and peace-loving peoples.
The regime is strategically using the West's preoccupation with the 'war on terror' to garner support from the international community, especially with the US which continues to turn a blind eye to human rights violations in Ethiopia. Against the will of the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian regime sent its army into Somalia in 2006 and withdrew in 2008, failing to demonstrate any justification for its involvement. The war-on-terror fight should not be a fig leaf for small dictators like Meles Zenawi.
Two US senators have been tirelessly working on a bill in the US Senate titled 'Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2008'. The preamble of their bill states that 'the security threats in Ethiopia are real but, unfortunately, the Bush administration's approach to addressing these threats and strengthening this alliance remains short-sighted and narrow-focusing predominately on short-term ways to address insecurity while overlooking the need for long-term measures that are needed to achieve the same goal, such as desperately needed governance reform, the rule of law, and increased accountability. Genuine democratic progress in Ethiopia is essential if we are to have a healthy and positive bilateral relationship. It is also essential if we are going to successfully combat extremism, thereby bolstering our own national security here at home.'[2]
Ethiopian democratic forces hope that the new Obama administration will heed the words of the esteemed senators. Ethiopians will continue to struggle for the rule of law and social justice, inspired by the struggles their forefathers waged centuries ago for independence and freedom.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.
NOTES
1 Vestal, T. (1994) 'An analysis of the new constitution of Ethiopia and the process of its adoption', 4 November.
2 SB 3457 (2008) 'Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2008'.
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