Last Saturday, the fourth President of the democratic Republic of South Africa, Mr Jacob Zuma took the oath of office. President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua was there among other thirty-plus heads of government.

What bagful of lessons does President Yar'Adua bring from Pretoria? Posing this question alone raises further questions about the persistent political underdevelopment of Nigeria.

History shows that indeed it is South Africa that has a lot to learn from Nigeria and not the other way round. As far back as 1960, at independence, Nigeria was democratically governed with vibrant political parties and notable political leaders in their own right. As at then, the likes of icon Nelson Mandela were groaning under apartheid dictatorship, the most inhuman contraption that brutalized and exploited for decades on account of colour.

Nigeria was among the notable front line states that included Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique which fought for the liberation of South Africa from the clutches of apartheid. Understandably, Abuja was the first point of call in Mandela's historic global appreciation tours in the 90s. SA's constitution has been repeatedly singled out as the most progressive governance documents in recent times.

But the point cannot be overstated: SA's constitution draws heavily on Nigeria's 1977 constitution especially with reference to how to manage a diversity and multi racialism via Federalism. However all the above add up to history.

Today 15 years on, SA has dramatically advanced politically with four successful globally acclaimed democratic transition elections and four Presidents in smooth, quick, consensual and acceptable ways, namely Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe and now Jacob Zuma. South Africa proves right the dated observation of Archbishop Desmond Tutu according to which "South Africa, so utterly improbable, is a beacon of hope in a dark and troubled world".

Will Zuma's ascendancy wake Nigeria up from its intolerable and clearly unacceptance political slumber? Zuma's presidency assumes a special importance. It puts to test all the democratic institutions of the country, from the judiciary to the Independent Electoral Commission. But it is to the eternal glory of SA's democratic process that it overcomes all the critical challenges.

Run up to the election, Zuma was slammed with corruption/rape charges clearly timed to undermine his political credentials. Unceremoniously he resigned on the 14th of June 2005 as the Deputy President of the Republic. SA's judiciary lived to popular expectation by dismissing the corruption charges as politically motivated.

The robust contestation within the ANC pressured Mbeki to untimely resignation as the President leading to the emergence of Motlanthe. For as long as the partisan bickering lasted, the Independent Electoral Commission of SA remains truly independent. The Commission not only conducted the elections but counted the votes which saw the retrenchment of incumbent breakaway COPE of Mbeki and recorded the success of ANC's flag bearer Zuma. It is a sad commentary that while SA navigates successfully though the political landmines Nigeria is weighed down with inconclusive state election re-run in Ekiti which reveals conquest rather than contest.

The lessons of SA are remarkable. First is the triumph of civility in SA as distinct from entrenchment of Nigeria's militarism. The serial resignations of Zuma and Mbeki in the wake of the controversial corruption charges indicate that political actors subject themselves to political institutions in SA.

Also worthy of note is that political contestation in SA is issue-based notwithstanding the visibility of individuals. Mbeki was accused of excessive neo-liberal economics that has undoubtedly recorded growth for South African economy but left many South Africans in poverty and deprivations. Zuma rose to power on the crest of popular agitation to reconcile South Africans in the tradition of Nelson Mandela as well as focus on education, health, land reform, combat crimes and ensure decent work.

Pray with all the bloodletting in Ekiti re-rerun, what are the issues electorate were called upon to choose from? Certainly none! In place of issues in Ekiti State, we were inundated with intimidating actors that include non-electoral agents like police and the army! Nigeria must urgently reinvent its democracy, and that must start with free and fair elections.

This calls for patriotic (not partisan) leaders who must look at the global picture of strengthening democracy rather than narrow interest of their parties and their persons in power. Notwithstanding the bitterness that characterize SA's campaign it is remarkable seeing at inauguration Zuma, Mbeki his bitter rival. Zuma's inaugural speech is a compulsory read for our leaders in the art of statesmanship and patriotism.

After celebrating Madiba, for "showing us the way" in national reconciliation, he dutifully acknowledged the former second Deputy President of the democratic republic, the Hon FW de Klerk, who according to him "worked with Madiba in the resolution of the apartheid conflict, and participated in shaping a new South Africa".

He then went to salute former President Mbeki "as a true statesman" (his words) who made "a remarkable contribution towards strengthening our democracy, and laid a firm foundation for economic growth and development".

According to Zuma, in his last address to the nation Mbeki "demonstrated his patriotism, and put the interests of the country above his personal interests". Pray when will Nigeria's politicians have the audacity to acknowledge the strengths of their opponents in the great task of nation building?