28 June 2009
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In September 2005, the former Chief of Intelligence in the Obote II government of 1981-85, Mr Clement Kasendwa-Ddumba, wrote a candid letter to the Ugandan Human Rights Commission clarifying the numerous allegations against the Uganda People's Congress.
In his 66-page letter, titled Land of Freedom, the author gives fresh insights into the 1966 crisis, the 1980 elections, the Obote II government, the operations of intelligence agencies at the time and the Luweero war that brought the National Resistance Army (NRA) to power. Today, Sunday Monitor brings you why the author believes that double dealing in Mengo is a bigger threat to Buganda today than it was in 1966;-
Continued from last Sunday
On 28th June 2005, Parliament took a decision to open term limits for presidents.
Needless to say, that was a crucial provision in the Constitution. Without the people of Uganda testing its worth in any way, Parliament removed it. What more does one need to prove that Uganda is sick? If members of Parliament do not care whether Uganda bleeds to death, who will care then? Despite tireless efforts, doctors have so far failed to prescribe effective treatment because they have not diagnosed the causes of the disease. But as could be expected, they are giving their patient, Uganda, some treatment. The treatment given is on the basis that most of the doctors attending to her believe that she is suffering from diseases called Oboteism or pluralism or both.
However, some of the people who know the patient very well believe the doctors are wrong.
Consequently, two of the people who so believed volunteered to approach more competent medical practitioners. One of the two volunteers happened to be the one who was quoted by the press to have said that the problem in this country was that "Ugandans have allowed themselves to live in a fool's paradise for too long".
Fortunately, the medical officers to whom the volunteers appealed for help took keen interest in the observations made by the said two volunteers on the patient. As a result, the disease has been diagnosed: it is militarism and dishonesty in public life. Suffering from dishonesty in public life? What should that be? I quickly recalled what one man of God said about the problems of Uganda. "The discord in our society is caused by a desire to fulfil personal needs". I nodded. And 1 would be surprised if anyone with respect for his or her conscience did not agree with that man of God.
Substantiation of allegations is an honourable and creditworthy act. It is a matter of honesty to admit that Africans and Ugandans in particular do not know the positiveness of this wonderful virtue. In that regard, President Museveni should be praised for the historic decision he took soon after NRM/NRA seized power in 1986 to set up a commission of inquiry into allegations of human rights violations by previous governments. However, that exercise was not handled as was expected.
Nevertheless, it was an opportune moment for me as chief of intelligence (1981-85) to share with the people of Uganda, my personal experiences.
Unfortunately, I was in exile in Tanzania. I find it strange that since I returned from exile in 1994, not a single person purporting to be recording the history of Uganda or interested in human rights matters or from the media world has ever approached me for the purpose of exchanging notes. Please do not misunderstand me. I am not eager to be a source of information to anyone.
I am only making the point that moral dishonesty has blinded even people for whom it is a top priority to search and defend the truth. As earlier pointed out herein, it is not my intention for the moment to bother you with a detailed presentation. Rather, this letter is to appeal for re-examination of major components of the story behind our tragic national life. Enough is enough with lies.
As a person who actively agitated for the independence of this country, I feel ashamed about what I have seen for nearly forty years now. Ugandans must be ashamed of many things they have done or failed to do.
Perhaps more than anything else, we should be ashamed of the degree of inter-ethnic mistrust amongst ourselves. We must equally feel ashamed of the way opportunists have reaped so handsomely by keeping alive issues which suffocated the common interest of Ugandans; carcasses which we should have buried long ago.
For example; in the sixties, Daudi Ochieng a former MP found a Land Rover covered with a tarpaulin parked at Amber Hotel. He touched it so as to find out what might be inside. He felt that the shape of things he touched could not be anything else other than ivory smuggled from Congo. He guessed who the smugglers were. Due to the seriousness of the allegations, Basil Bataringaya responded by asking Kenya and Tanzania to make available to Uganda one High Court Judge each to serve on a Judicial Commission to investigate Ochieng's gold allegations.
Three judges from Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda investigated Ochieng's allegations.
Few people knew that the assumption in high government circles was that the allegations were actually a brain child of Ibingira. At the end of the day, the commission concluded that the allegations were baseless. But because of prejudice, malice and hatred people who should feel ashamed to continue with Ochieng's song are the ones still singing it.
There is also the example of the loud and persistent reference to the imprisonment of (Grace) Ibingira, (Ben) Kiwanuka and others. Ask those leading members of the Movement who were also prominent members of UPC at that time.
Their answer is likely to be that Obote tolerated Ibingira for too long. The case of Ben Kiwanuka is louder and clearer than that of Ibingira. Mohammed Ssebaduka, a leading character in the failed Lugogo assassination plot in 1969 of Milton Obote told The Monitor newspaper (11-10-2001) that Kiwanuka attended their last meeting. He further said that Kiwanuka did not only lend moral support to the plot but he also contributed money. In all due fairness, how can one say that Obote put Kiwanuka in jail for nothing?'
One day I listened to a talk show on one of the FM Radio Stations. It featured a Professor of history. Apparently, one listener was not impressed by the way the Professor talked about Obote. He called in to express his concern about it. He pointed it out to the Professor that Obote did some good things which should not be swept under the carpet. The Professor's reply was simple and short: He did not know anything good Obote did. That was a Professor of history talking. He has never heard about Gulu-Kampala or Mbarara-Kasese-Kabarole roads. It is an embarrassment when people like Eriya Kategaya refer to the cream of our elite class as quoted by the The Monitor of March 19, 2004 that "Kiwanuka(Ssemakula) has no sense of history. You
ask yourself why is this man is a Professor of history". Yes, the majority of the elite class in Uganda are sick.
With all due respect to the said Professor of history in the talk show, I wish to say that a lesser person would have found it embarrassing to give such a shallow answer on radio. Only pseudo professors would not have heard about the twenty two hospitals of one hundred beds each Obote built in a record time of eight years. How many black African countries boast of that record? It is also a fair assumption that Ugandans could not believe that there were Ugandan Professors who did not know that since 1971 there has not been a single block of flats added to Bugolobi or Bukoto Housing estates.
For the information of those who did not know, the two estates had been planned to be huge residential districts. Those are facts no Professor or any other person can push under the carpet.
Therefore, I suggest that if we want our people to take informed positions on national issues, government and other opinion leaders should truthfully endeavour to present to them both the positive and negative sides of issues. Why should we tell Ugandans that Amin killed people without telling them that under him Ugandans dressed decently? Is it right to deny Amin the credit that he gave Kampala the face of black Africa? For sure, President Museveni has done many good things. But we must also say that under him, the culture of one meal a day or no meal at all has thrived. Yes, giving credit where it is due is a pillar of civilised behaviour and good sense. It is a sign of strength not weakness. Let us try it.
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