Karoline Kemp
9 July 2009
(Page 2 of 3)
To this end, at AU summits, which SOAWR has decided to strategically target as a means of accessing decision-makers, SOAWR has used their good working relationships with the AU Directorate for Women, Gender and Development as well as other key officials to use that space more effectively. They do this by engaging in joint campaigns and activities, and this has enabled SOAWR to have more access to other AU departments as well as state officials. The process of getting accreditation to participate in the opening and closing ceremonies of these summits has also been facilitated by these relationships, which SOAWR has nurtured and exploited in order to further the cause of the protocol. Further, SOAWR members have used their own reputations to be invited to participate in various African Union functions and even committees. This works at the level of institutional policy channels, which has to do with the first stage of SOAWR's work, an elite strategy to target political figures. But this also serves a function in terms of political discourses. By engaging with civil society in such an official manner, a clear signal is sent with regards to the fact that they are in fact a part of the process of decision-making and that their input is valued, allowing civil society to hold some sort of legitimacy in terms of their work. With regard to the way in which this work affects social practices, I would argue that its purpose is more political, and that the second and third phases of the SOAWR strategy address this issue more concretely. Another way in which SOAWR has been able to access invited spaces is perhaps with regard to funding and trends in development. Some argue that women's rights are a popular issue, and further, that it had been quite easy for SOAWR as a coalition to attain funding due to this trend, as well as an increased commitment to good governance, which included supporting a wider variety of actors engaging in political issues.
Created spaces for participation are those opportunities that have been initiated by civil society. In this sense, again, there is much overlap, especially in terms of countering the closed political space of the African Union, but the usage of Pambazuka News is an area in which most closely fits the bill. Taking advantage of characteristics of the internet that promote what Tettey lists as interactivity between many different voices, a global network, uncensored speech and the ability to challenge and cross check official views, Pambazuka News publishes articles that often cannot be found in other places and is a uniquely African voice around issues faced by communities across the continent.
An example of 'what Africans are doing with ICTs' (van Binsbergen, cited in Njamnjoh 2005: 9), Pambazuka News provides a space for debate and analysis, thus providing discourses about Africa by Africans, which promote communication between various communities, linking them in a way that fosters a collective movement. By providing lessons learned and best practices, civil society talks with one another, and in using Pambazuka News as a platform to share these stories, SOAWR members cited that this collective effort provided support, encouragement, motivation and momentum for their work that they would not otherwise feel. This in a sense has created a community for SOAWR members, where they can update one another about their activities and share experiences. In speaking with a staff member from KEWOPA (Kenya Women Parliamentary Association), an intergovernmental organisation charged with promoting women's participation and representation in the Kenyan parliament, I was told that Pambazuka News was crucial in keeping her up-to-date with what was going on in order for her to do her job effectively. Civil society members outside of SOAWR were familiar with Pambazuka News and most subscribed to receive it weekly. SOAWR members claimed that Pambazuka News helped with visibility in terms of the SOAWR campaign, and that having space in a reputable publication like Pambazuka News also meant that a certain legitimacy was acquired for their work.
This serves also to add to the public spaces defined by Castells; by putting this information into a domain where it can be accessed by a diverse group of people, SOAWR has raised its profile and built a reputation that lends political credibility. In addition to these created spaces, SOAWR has built in a further aspect of capacity-building to their work through training journalists at African Union summits and, in promoting women bloggers, not only is the potential visibility about women's rights in Africa increased with an online presence, but more importantly the capacity of individual women is targeted, creating not only women who are more aware of their rights, but also engaging these women in a discourse they may not have previously been conscious of. On the level of created participatory spaces, Fahamu and FEMNET (The African Women's Development and Communication Network) have also recently created a series of radio programmes for SOAWR's use. These are aimed towards the third stage of SOAWR's work, which is to popularise the protocol and create a constituency aware of their rights and knows how to claim those rights. This is done on a much more local level; country-level focal points spearhead these initiatives, and disseminate, for example, the radio programme, which can be used as is, or as part of a toolkit, for grassroots organisations and communities. Thus relationships between communities and SOAWR are mediated through awareness-building.
The above analysis demonstrates a number of interesting points which examine spaces for participation. What remains to be evaluated are some of the challenges and opportunities that exist for SOAWR in terms of both the usage of ICTs in its work as a coalition and for policy advocacy.
The use of information and communication technologies across the African continent presents numerous potentials. However, the facilities for and culture of email, obtaining online news and utilising electronic information and research databases are not embedded in Africa in any significant way for those opportunities to reach their full potential. Internet users remain within certain elite circles. From my limited interviews, it appeared as though Pambazuka News, as it exists online, did not reach official or political figures, though I imagine that there are many exceptions to this. The intergovernmental organisation KEWOPA, which works with parliamentarians, described having to physically go and speak with those officials because they did not check their emails. At the level of government, advocacy print materials seemed to be the most effective means of projecting ideas and recommendations. Pambazuka News remains more as a tool for those active in civil society, which is in fact its target in any case, and these civil society members do in fact see Pambazuka News as strengthening their work as a movement. Providing an online community, lending credibility and exchanging news and information which strengthens their work are some of the characteristics that were cited. At the same time, Pambazuka News does not reach those people who are the targets of civil society's work; awareness-raising at the grassroots level is still most effectively carried out via radio. Thus in terms of using ICTs to promote the protocol, besides for SOAWR and a small group of civil society members, their usage is limited. However, providing a platform for these civil society members to voice their opinions and debate and analyse social, political and economic issues and policies does serve to create a community that has the potential to result in widening the discourses around these issues, which can then move into a more political realm.
With regard to policy advocacy around the protocol, SOAWR has faced numerous challenges, most of which have revolved around governmental structures and resistance. At the level of the African Union this has been characterised by a lack of understanding of structures, but it appears that for the most part, partly due to the fact that the African Union itself had already adopted the protocol and was urging member states to ratify it quickly, there was less resistance at this level. SOAWR members cited that most resistance was in fact felt at the level of member states, much of it owing to conservatism, strong religious ties and internal politics. However, SOAWR used some creative campaigning techniques, including an SMS (short message service, or text messaging) campaign and a Colour Card Campaign, which not only raised attention outside of the usual actors, but also served to name and shame governments into responding to the protocol.
These creative techniques were carried out by SOAWR members for the first time on the continent; they had never been used before, and therefore brought interest from other civil society organisations, funders and governments. Further, that SOAWR members had strong relationships with a number of African Union figures has allowed some degree of support for its work. Further challenges with regard to policy advocacy exist around bringing the policies back to the people which they affect. In the case of SOAWR, their initial strategy has been at an elite political level, and in fact the organisations participating in the campaign are, in some cases, quite removed from constituents, existing in a realm of international donors, other global civil society actors and the like. While this has also been a strength of the coalition, because being able to speak the language of politics has indeed been necessary, any real change will need to be carried out at a more grassroots level, which is a real challenge for the organisations involved in SOAWR. The process of implementing the protocol, for example, will require genuine partnerships between more local actors - governments, service providers, community-based organisations - and will need to take place across the whole of the continent. This relates to Merry's theory of translating (2006) whereby civil society acts as an intermediary between local and international ideas, institutions and meanings. SOAWR has indeed done this at the level of the African Union, but in some ways has been aligned more closely at that level than at the grassroots. Thus local organisations, and the networks they belong to, will become increasingly important.
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