Mmegi/The Reporter (Gaborone)
Dr Monageng Mogalakwe
10 July 2009
opinion
When the merry delegates of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) chanted and ululated the victory of Ian Khama over Ponatshego Kedikilwe last week in Gantsi, they could not have possibly realised that they might have succeeded in altering the course of Botswana post-colonial history.
Instead of forging party cohesion and unity based on a political vision borne of the spirit of republicanism and social equality, the BDP delegates chose instead to take a great leap backward and to enfeudalise the party by building its cohesion and unity around the name of Ian Khama, the descendent of the legendary Bamangwato monarch of yesteryear. Khama came into the BDP in 1998 following the recommendations of the Professor Schlemmer consultancy. Schlemmer's report entitled Present Realities and Strategies for the Future pointed out that the 'BDP's track record had run out of tracks' and that the party needed to 'reinvent' itself if it was to survive. According to Schlemmer, the BDP needed somebody with 'sufficient dynamism' to drive this process.
Although Schlemmer did not mention names, Ian Khama became the obvious choice.
Whilst Khama's mission was ostensibly to neutralize factional fighting in the party and give the BDP a new dynamism, the truth of the matter is that Khama's political entry was the culmination of a Seretse Khama succession strategy that had been under way for sometime. This strategy was hatched up by a Ngwato political mafia and their hangers on inside the BDP to reinstate the Khama dynasty. Their common refrain then was 'Ke Domi ya rona le bana ba rona'.
Since the passing of Seretse Khama in 1980, the BDP was held together by a belief, orchestrated by this Ngwato mafia, that Seretse Khama's successor, Ketumile Masire was only standing in for Khama who was still doing his 'national service' in the BDF. Most BDP councilors in GaMmangwato relished this belief and spread it with reckless abandon.
Whilst this was going on, nobody in the BDP, neither the then President Masire nor people like Ponatshego Kedikilwe and Daniel Kwelagobe, did anything to repudiate this claim, because it ensured that the GaMmangwato constituencies were always in the pocket of BDP. This marked the end of republicanism, if ever there was any, in the BDP. What perhaps most other BDP followers did not realise then, especially those outside GaMmangwato, was that although the claim that Masire was holding the fort for Khama was made to look like a political tactic or a gimmick to ensure BDP's continued support in GaMmangwato, it was in fact going to the grand plan. The BDP followers around the country were roped in, and inadvertently participated in the resurrection of the Khama dynasty orchestrated by this Ngwato mafia in the BDP.
The resurrection of the Khama dynasty is not just a tactic to reinvent the BDP. It was started a long time ago by none other than Seretse Khama himself when one day in 1977 he appointed his son as a (Brigadier) General in the fledgling Botswana Defence Force.
Although Ian Khama was at a tender age of 24, he managed to by pass all the experienced officers from the then para-military Police Mobile Unit. Also by passed was one Matlhomola Thema, who like Ian Khama was also a graduate of Sandhurst Military Academy, but who, unlike Ian Khama was also a UBLS graduate. When newspapers in the region shouted "The youngest general in the world" nobody took much notice. People just trusted Seretse Khama's judgement. Everybody that is, except those in the opposition parties. Not only was Ian Khama appointed a general in the fledgling army but his salary was more than 50% that of a full colonel, his immediate subordinate officer.
The next stage in the resurrection of the Khama Dynasty came in May 1979 when Ian Khama was installed as King Khama IV of BaMmangwato in Serowe, reasserting Khama's dynastic rule of BaMangwato after a 30 year interregnum during which Seretse Khama had been forced to renounce his bogosi.
By the time Schlemmer made his report in 1997 Khama already carried considerable political weight as the Commander of the BDF with the rank of Lt-General and undisputed King 1V of BaMmangwato. When the BDP headhunters approached Khama, pursuant to the recommendations of Schlemmer report, to assist in the re-invention of his father's party, he was well aware of the use (some would say abuse) of the name of Khama for BDP political gain. Because of this, Gen. Khama was in a very good position to bargain with his headhunters. Nobody except the headhunters (it is said that at one time the headhunters sought the help of the former leader of an opposition party) know what transpired. Ponatshego Kedikilwe mentioned in passing in his The Botswana Gazzete interview that Ian Khama came into the party on his own terms and brought with him his own baggage, including attendants for whom new positions had to be created in the civil service. The fact of the matter is that Khama knew that the BDP has long basked in the glory of the name of Khama for political gain and that the BDP needed him more than he needed the BDP. He knew that what he was being asked to do was to undertake a salvation operation, and he was going to do it his way and bring his own 'excess baggage', if need be. In 2008 King Khama 1V will take over from President Festus Mogae Ist. The question that remains is whether King Khama 1V of BaMmangwato will become the King of the whole of Botswana, or just King Khama 1V ruling the Republic of Botswana, with other 'minor' paramount chiefs like Tawana, Kgari, Kgafela, Lotlamoreng etc. roped in with ministerial positions to obviate their resentment of Khama's super chief status?
Politics is about consensus, compromises and accommodation. It is about finding a common denominator for divergent views. But Khama is a man used to top-down approach for most of his adult life, and his credentials as a democrat are still to be proven. The jury is still out and only time will tell. But for now it looks like Khama is out to completely wipe out any pockets of dissention in the BDP. Already the King's men are on the prowl, looking for the King's enemies. To use the military parlance, they are on a search and destroy mission. Gatwe ba setse ba simolotse ko Mmadinare. All those suspected of being on Kedikwilwe's side will have to be completely neutralised, if not destroyed. The first to go of course will be Kedikilwe himself, followed by bo-Kwelagobe, Modipane, Davis, Lefhoko, Mothibabele, Butale, Mma-Tshireletso and Mma-Venson, etc.
Their chances of winning BDP primaries are almost zero. When the internal opposition has been destroyed, Khama will turn his attention to the opposition. He will first try to play the populist card, combined with the usual divide and rule tactics. When these fail or are met only with limited success, he will most likely resort to political repression. A vital clue to this possibility can be found in the rumours of the existence of factions in Botswana's security establishment, particularly in the military intelligence, that seem to be running parallel intelligence operations and who seem to owe their loyalty to Khama, and not to the present Commander of the BDF, Gen Fischer. In the run up to the BDP Congress in Gantsi there were a lot of whispers about this parallel intelligence structure and its covert operations to help Khama to keep several steps ahead of his competitor, PHK.
Only God knows what else these King's men will do in the defence of the realm. This may be the beginning of the end of Botswana, as we know it, but I hope I am wrong
This article was first published in Mmegi after the 2003 BDP congress in Ghanzi. Six years down the line we re-publish the article because the issues that it raised then are still relevant today.
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