He wished for rooibos and honey that Sunday afternoon, shortly after announcing his cabinet. But after 100 days in the presidency, Jacob Zuma must have realised it was not the milk-and-honey his supporters had hoped for.

Zuma came to power on a popular but expensive manifesto in the face of an economic meltdown, punctuated by restless workers and agitated poor communities. Crime has not abated, and it is not clear whether the tough rhetoric from the police m inister, his deputy and commissioner is scaring criminals.

However, compared with the first 100 days in office of his predecessors, Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, Zuma's performance is not that bad.

He spoke to the nation - through media briefings - more often in his first two months than Mbeki managed in two years.

But Zuma - the fourth post-apartheid president - is trapped in the same old problem cycle the previous presidents faced: poverty, poor health and education conditions, corruption and greed and rising unemployment.

This is despite significant government achievements in providing basic amenities such as electricity and water, strengthening watchdog public institutions and creating a significant black middle class, almost from nothing.

However, after 15 years and four victories for the ruling ANC, the electorate's patience is waning - violently at times.

Zuma's left-leaning and pro-poor campaign ticket has not helped to avert labour and social unrest.

Like Mandela in July 1994, Zuma has to balance acknowledging the right of trade unions to strike with condemning violence.

Mandela was forced to meet Mbhazima Shilowa, the then general secretary of Cosatu, after a wave of violent strikes hit the country, while Mbeki put his foot down amid massive protests by the public sector unions in the winter of 1999.

And Zuma has faced more protests as some communities have risen up in protest at poor service delivery. He's also had to deal with the extravagance of some of his ministers and their deputies.

Zuma came to power promising effective governance, speedy service delivery and effective public service.

Mbeki promised the same in 1999 and tried to achieve it by fortifying his presidency's administrative control.

The Zuma presidency has two more ministers than its predecessor, but it is still perceived as weak, while Mbeki was able to stamp his authority in the initial three months amid resentment from allies.

Both men met directors-general within the first two weeks of their presidency to ensure the stability of the public service. But within two months of Zuma taking office, two directors-general had resigned and two had been suspended.

Then there is the criticism that the Zuma government has faced for the R46 million spent on renovating King's House, his official Durban residency.

Not that this should worry him overly. After all, Mbeki drew flak too when he spent R5m on Mahlambandlopfu and R2.2m renovating Genadendaal.

Zuma took office amid consternation over his probity and after an eight-year legal battle and a bruising power struggle but has managed to allay fears and calm the nation's nerves. He has impressed many, including critics, with a moving inauguration speech and a balanced, but larger cabinet.

It was widely welcomed. But such acceptance is short-lived. He need only ask Mbeki.

Most of Mbeki's 1999 ministers were initially given the thumbs-up, including health minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang. But a year later Tshabalala-Msimang had become one of the least popular politicians around.

Before putting their cabinets together, Mbeki, Mandela and Zuma battled with appointing their deputies. Mandela wanted then ANC secretary-general Cyril Ramaphosa, but ended up with Mbeki, while the latter preferred IFP leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi, but ended up with Zuma.

Zuma worked through the night trying to convince a reluctant Kgalema Motlanthe - who had already spent eight months as caretaker president - to take the deputy position. He also had to deal with the sulking Baleka Mbete, who wanted nothing less than the deputy presidency.

However, the most scrutinised, contentious and crucial post was the head of the Treasury. Like Mbeki, Zuma was inundated with pleas to keep Trevor Manuel, but he ignored them, spectacularly lulling jittery markets by replacing Manuel with taxman Pravin Gordhan. By the way, Mbeki lost Sars Commissioner Trevor van Heerden in his first 100 days.

While he was deputy president Mbeki did smoothly manage the Reserve Bank succession, pushing Tito Mboweni to understudy Chris Stalls in 1998.

Zuma managed the Reserve Bank transition from Mboweni to Gill Marcus with little public fuss, but only after a tough behind-the-scenes succession battle.

Still on succession, there were ructions soon after Zuma took office over how many terms he should serve - similar to the speculation about Mandela serving two terms.

Crime and the criminal justice system have generally been a nightmare for the post-apartheid presidents.

Mbeki responded to the threat by announcing the formation of the Scorpions in his first state-of-the-nation address, while his police commissioner, George Fivas, was in the doorway, finally retiring six months later.

Zuma launched his answer to the Scorpions, the Hawks, in his first 100 days and followed it up with the appointment of the colourful Bheki Cele as national police commissioner, replacing Mbeki's controversial man Jackie Selebi.

Coincidentally, prisons head Xoliswa Sibeko was suspended within Zuma's 100 days, while Mbeki's prisons boss Kulekani Sithole was forced out six months after Mbeki took office.

The judiciary was scared of his presidency, given Zuma's hostile comments about the Constitutional Court judges and his swift replacement of the longest-serving presidential nominees on the Judicial Service Commission.

But the judiciary wasn't comfortable with the Mbeki presidency either.

Shortly before the 1999 elections, it was reported that Mbeki influenced Mandela's appointment of Judge Sandile Ngcobo to the Constitutional Court, overlooking Judge Edwin Cameron and causing a judicial rumpus.

Zuma nominated Ngcobo a decade later as his chief justice, overlooking Judge Dikgang Moseneke and triggering more ructions.

In his first 100 days, Mbeki had to deal with his justice minister, Penuell Maduna, accusing Constitutional Court judges of neglecting their duties by taking long leave.

Zuma's justice minister Jeff Radebe mysteriously intervened to stop the interviews of Constitutional Court judges pending the peace talks with the jurists.

A Zuma aide quipped recently that they don't do 100 days, but might look at 1 000 days. By then, Zuma might well need something stronger than rooibos, but not necessarily Mbeki's single malt.