Charles Taylor today said that a 2001 United Nations expert report, which accused him of providing military and financial support to Sierra Leonean rebels in exchange for diamonds, contained an expert who was unfairly biased against Mr. Taylor. He also claimed that his rebel group which launched a civil war in Liberia in 1989 got support and equipment from the CIA.
In describing the 2001 United Nations Panel of Experts Report on Gun Running and Diamond Smuggling in Sierra Leone, Mr. Taylor said that he raised alarms when he found out who was appointed as the reporting experts. When Ian Smillie–who in a prior report had accused Mr. Taylor of involvement in diamond-for-arms trade in Sierra Leone– was named an expert, Mr. Taylor wrote a letter to the UN Secretary General questioning Mr. Smillie's appointment. These concerns, Mr. Taylor said, were ignored by the UN and Mr. Smillie remained on the panel.
Mr. Smillie has already testified as an Expert Witness for the Special Court for Sierra Leone's prosecution against Mr. Taylor. "I had concerns about people who had made allegations against Liberia being on the panel. You have already prejudiced the report by doing that," Mr. Taylor said.
Mr. Taylor accused Great Britain and the United States of manipulating the findings of the by putting pressure on Mr. Smillie, who was their own nominee on the panel.
"Britain and America are bringing the pressure. We know that the pressure is coming on Smillie because of the interest," Mr. Taylor said. "I am confronted with these people who have already made those allegations even before the panel report is out."
It was no surprise therefore, Mr. Taylor said, that when the Panel of Expert Report came out, he was accused of active involvement in the provision of financial and military support to the rebels in return for diamonds. Mr. Taylor said that while these allegations were made against him, Britain and the United States failed to provide any "tangible evidence" of his involvement in Sierra Leone.
The prosecution has alleged that Mr. Taylor was involved in trading diamonds for arms with Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels in Sierra Leone. Several prosecution witnesses have testified that RUF rebel commanders took diamonds to Mr. Taylor and in return, he supplied arms and ammunition for use by the RUF rebels. He presently stands accused of bearing responsibility for crimes committed by RUF rebels in Sierra Leone. Mr. Taylor has denied all the allegations against him.
Mr. Taylor's defense counsel, Courtenay Griffiths, also today read portions of the book "Intervention in Africa" written by former United States Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Herman Cohen. In this book, a whole chapter is dedicated to the conflict in Liberia from the late 1980s to the 1990s. Mr. Cohen states in the book that the United States government, through its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), provided support to Mr. Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) rebel group. In his response, Mr. Taylor confirmed that his NPFL indeed received assistance from the United States.
"We were given some very high power technical radios by the embassy [United States], by the CIA at the time, that we used for rapid communications, that we could call almost any where in the world and get to anybody that we wanted to get to on the ground," Mr. Taylor said.
He explained that the assistance from the United States government was given to the NPFL as a deal to protect United States facilities in Liberia. Mr. Taylor also accused the United States of providing similar support to other rebel groups in Liberia.
Mr. Taylor's testimony continues tomorrow.
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Kangaroos baby in its pocket
As a black man Im safe hiding Herein; where my colours crime That summed up corner moats.
For the war crimes in Sierra Leone during the approximately 12-year civil war I thereupon accused: J. S. Momoh, V. Stresser, A. J. Kabbah, M. Bayo, A. Bundu, A. Conteh et al; whom were the corrupted officials of the Bad and Naive Governments of both the APC and SLPP therein, and whom are to face prosecution at the ICC thereto; - rather than Mr. Charles Taylor when one is so confined to the main objectives of Article 38 of the Statute of International Court of Justice for the justifiable or excusable discharged of the right so incumbent on either individual or collective self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter for Peace relative to the rationalism of audi alteram partem on the arena of imminent threat to the individual or collective life of any state. Since, in MGrother (1746) Fost 13 at 14; Lee CJ accepted that a force upon the person, and present fear of death in continuum under the hospices of the rebels as an inherent right of Mr. Charles Taylor; - who, maybe, made use of such force as his defence to his rebel movements in Liberia. Accordingly Mr. Taylor is entitled to certainly show an actual force against him or his people in Liberia by the Liberian Government for his actions in Liberia as due to the Bad and Naive Government of Liberia as at that time thereof if Mr. Charles Taylor reasonably believed this to be the certain case therein for his rebel war therein so as to make him not likely liable for war crimes in Sierra Leone (Graham [1982] 1 All ER 801 at 806, 74 Cr App Rep 235 at 241. Cf Lawrence [1980] 1 NSWLR 122) upon those basic foundations that so defined criminal liabilities as de jure; but not as de facto, in this case by the simple reasons of the unclear mix of facts per se. Mr. Allie Smith
Excuse me! My Mama and Papa Africa, and my brothers and sisters of Africa as I thus so hereabouts presumed that I have so far; whether you agreed or not to my submissions thereof on the present Mr. Charles Taylor Case at the ICC: receiving the keen attentions of the judiciary, the politicians and the public alike; - made my stand so clear thereunder by my legal writings thereto for all of relevance in their resolutions of it prima facie. AND UPON IT I further so assumed thereby that we all are in full awareness now that the nature and scope of this case embeds the UNs covert intentions to further exploit the economical, political, social, cultural, religious, inter alia; history of Sierra Leone et al then. So, hereto, on the subsequent points following these points hereof: I must put my frustrations of this case in the same certain terms so confined thereto by the UN in sane views on the well known relevant manner and form of governments in our respective societies, whereby Sierra Leone et al made their histories in those books that we read there; and on those oral attentions that we learned from our forefathers thereof there. The UN should prosecute in the ICC those Sierra Leonean government officials, whom I have so far indicted in this case for the UNs reasoning on their war crimes in Sierra Leone, where those officials stole my peoples legal properties and thereafter killed my poor people due to it therein. So I shall ask the UN to set aside its case against Mr. Taylor therein for the peace need be in our national and international notions of Politics and Parliamentary Sovereignties of either the European Nations or the African Nations; whereby I am so moved on its high tides of current Public International Law, and Constitutional and Administrative Law thereof as so nexus to the Freedom and Liberty of my African People et al; - whom in recent decades were and are yet those economic slaves under very oppressive governments thereof in Africa and in the Western World thereon. And thus thereto I hereby bow down my rotten head on my laptop computer gulping the current law in its legal keyboard of my analytical know-how only to save my poor African People et al from being so consumed by it in those specific oppressive stratagems of the UN et al, whom I only need to see and to do justice for the peace need be on it in Sierra Leone et al, where I could just say: Poorraw Boonga Beed to my African People et al in great expectations thereto for the USUAL REPLY to what Poorraw Boonga Beeb meant to us in Africa et al indeed thereabouts for it in law, though. For, apart, the main oral economical, political, social, cultural, inter alai; kens of Sierra Leone et al said to us on it that therein, before 605, the Pooraw Society only appeared in those consensuses of those democratic governments that were in place or intact on the social contract of governments herein; - where all our civic citizens took part in those decision-makings for our respective states in our Supreme Poorraw Bush; which was, in many correlative respects to our current systems of governments, was just so fine and so similar to our present Parliamentary Structures of our modern systems of governments in probity to just manoeuvre our scarce means for our unlimited ends in quantum dispositions to just attain the utilities of our scarce goods and services for our common good, which the UN seemed not to so foster herein; by its entertainments of those unattainably unnecessary otiose democratic pale particulars as it so conceded in exhibiting in vain by its current action against Mr. Charles Taylor in the ICC; where I can only just ask the UN et al to find out from my father and mother Pa Alhaji Thuwa and Hajah Aminata Smith what Pooraw Boonga Beed so meant to us as de jure due to our cultures of it therein. Since it is so appearing then and now that my poor African People et al have been swayed and deceived by the UN et al thereon. Hence those feint conducts of the UN thereof fell within those so obviously and apt angles of the unacceptable propositions injustices of those case in its opaque and imprecise standard societal points for justice on it only for the sake of my African People et al as I so give my most precious time to it only to just seek peace in my continent et al, where I am so keen and so egger to defend my African People et al from any unlawful authorities of the UN et al, though. For, my African People et al have suffered from sunny exploitations by the UN et al upon those inattentions of them failing to develop Health, Education, Commerce and Industry in Africa et al indeed. Since those 16th Century Jihadist Movements and those Western Partitions of my continents, Africa et al only for their own benefits then and now per se. UPON THAT THEREOF in Sierra Leone et al by them we so became those victims of the appropriations of those scarce resources; and thereafter, we also became the true victims of tinted and convoluted theories, doctrines, et al for those plastic principles or those floating delusions on the rule of our international moralities, seeking to incise our fine organic democratic governments in Sierra Leone et al, where they continuously purported that democracy, philosophy, inter alia; were their original particulars in their respective democracies on those vague kens thereof herein; - so causing me this grievance in writing my final views on this case of us. Hence in abridgments of this discussion thereof, I so pledge to my grave yard that I will just help my poor African People in Sierra Leone et al by shortly bring back the Pooraw Society et al, which I have so accepted as the Oldest Democratic Governments of my African People in Sierra Leone et al on those thought subjects of our studies of those books that we have so far given our times to so as to only just put everlasting peace and prosperity in Africa et al for the benefits of my African People and the rest of this world in probity as against the ignorant and arrogant cosmetics of the UN et al in the invidious make-ups, seeking apart my African People et al heretofore. And, indeed! I so promise to give this legal help to my African People et al. Whereupon I end this case now as thereupon I say again Poorraw Boonga Beed for the tacit reply thereon only from my African People et al. Mr. Allie Smith FINAL SUBMISSION
Sir/Madam
So in view of what Charles said today in regard to the UN's expert report on diamons and guns in this case there, it thus appeared that one must state that the prosecution of Charles Taylor at the International Criminal Court today may not be in lieu of those particular pillars, informing the notion of jus ad bellum re Article 31 of the Statute of International Court of Justice as de jure since the mix of facts so far as produce by the UN are appearing only to be in de facto of the case of it. Those facts of it therein lacked the actus reus and mens rea of war crimes in Sierra Leone so as to likely make the UNs action thereof therein as very unlikely to merit a justifiable conviction, could prove Mr. Taylors guilt of war crimes in Sierra Leone beyond reasonable doubt; which formed the cradle need be proved by the UN therein for Charles Taylors criminal liabilities for war crimes in Sierra Leone. But if this is not so, the UNs prosecution of Mr. Taylor could be only founded on the possible recipe for an attack on the West African democracy. For the UN produced therein no clear facts that Mr. Taylor was the leader of a legitimate government in Liberia, seeking to cause war crimes in Sierra Leone as then thereof. Since jus ad bellum is one of the ambits of Public International Law that could only likely be manifested against a legitimate government, who so breached any of the specific Articles of the UN Charter, where under Article 1 thereof, one could only note that it is only a legitimate that may abide on the certain terms of this Article per se. And under Article 2(4) thereof the UN is in full awareness that this Article only prohibits legitimate states from impairing the right so incumbent on either individual or collective defence against eminent armed threat on a UN Member State thereto. On the above observations it is submitted that Mr. Taylor is a victim of unlawful authority by the action of the UN therein. For the UN is so prosecuting Mr. Taylor, who was not a leader of any legitimate state in West Africa as he was only a rebel leader, who revolted against his government in Liberia for some reasons so known only to Mr. Taylor. Accordingly the case of Mr. Taylor may only point to the era of the UN seeking to further facture the African democracy thereabouts for thereness.
Mr. Allie Smith
The question so far posed by the Charles Taylor Case in the elusive status quo of the 2001 United Nations expert report re International Law only beckons another question as to whether the involvements of the US State Department and the Foreign Office of the UK in arms deal to Sierra Leone were so made for the illegal exchange of the 35-ton of lethal arms for diamonds in Sierra Leone by the American and the British Governments as at that time thereof therein. For, the CIA is capable of fabricating evidence as was so noted by the CIAs convoluted evidence that led to the Ragan War in Libya; and hence the CIA may be so fabricating its evidence against Charles Taylor in this case indeed. Further the CIA is otiose in its form and process within the concepts of state recognition under the main arrangements of Public International Law; where the CIA Channelled its hate for individual state recognitions in this area of law, which the CIA is only using to oppress other sovereign states. For instance the CIA manufactured the evidence that was so use by the US and UK to wage war in Iraq. Hence this conduct of the CIA could be the same likely in this matter so as to make such evidence that it held against Mr. Taylor as unreliable in the ICC prima facie. Hence Charles Taylor may not be so convicted by the ICC for war crimes in Sierra Leone thereon in this case.
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