Tony Okerafor
15 November 2009
Following the passing away of Guinea's long-time ruler, Lansana Conte, in December 2008, the medium-sized country sitting along Africa's west coast has barely escaped the international spotlight. Because of Guinea-Conakry's prominent role in issues, especially of peace-keeping, in and around the ECOWAS [Economic Commission of West African States] sub region, a wide-range of foreign governments and international institutions have gone out of their way to speak out and to take action.
The real concern for Guinea, since Captain Dadis Moussa Camara took power late last year, is that the situation in the former French colony will implode, unless there is concerted efforts by the world community to ensure that, rather than plunge back to the era of near absolute dictatorship under Mr. Conte, Guinea takes the path of multi-party democracy, in which case, the perpetuation of military rule under whatever guise won't be acceptable. This has been the message that the international community says it wants to convey to Captain Dadis and the rest of his junta.
But, is he listening? Is it that the countries that matter, including Nigeria, being among the most influential, are not co-operating enough or simply not speaking out loud enough? Or is it just a matter of the junta being too adamant? Maybe, antecedents, how the world community has handled similar crisis situations in other trouble-spots, is what has prompted Captain Dadis to try to test the will of Guineans and their friends around the globe.
There is this feeling in some circles that Guinea's neighbours, in particular Senegal, did not speak out strongly enough, nor did they act proportionately, against the well-publicized massacre of September 28, when heavily-armed soldiers loyal to Captain Dadis gunned down nearly 160 unarmed protesters attending an opposition rally inside Conakry's main sports stadium.
True, condemnations did come in from far and wide. It is also on the record that the regional grouping ECOWAS, took steps to suspend Guinea from its rank, in addition to limited actions taken by much more powerful bodies, such as, the twenty-seven-members European Union and the US cutting off some aid to the country.
Inside Guinea itself, reports coming journalist point to something akin to the existence of police state, where the machinery of the military junta is now geared towards limiting people's means of speaking to outsiders or making public comments about the tragedy of September 28. Even among the opposition, fewer and fewer people seem able or prepare to a talk openly, otherwise they will be arrested by the security forces.
Among the diplomatic community, the vibrant discussion that characterized the landscape in the run-up to the massacres has largely disappeared, as if officials have been "advised" by their home-governments not to be seen to be heightening tension or provoking Dadis and his cohorts. Few and few foreign diplomats are now said to be prepared to speak on the record.
Someone who has tried to be one of the exceptions of this "gagging orders" was Nigeria's Ambassador to Guinea, Aisha Laraba Abdullahi, whose overall boss, President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, is the current chairman of the sixteen-nation ECOWAS community. Naturally, whatever she was prepared to say on the record would be interpreted as the official position of the Nigerian government, the most powerful in the region. But, speaking to journalists only recently, Mrs. Abdulahi chose her words very carefully and avoided categorize statements.
She began with addressing an issue that has never been in dispute by saying, "the continent has suffered a lot due to bad forms of governance in several parts of the continent, and our region feels that there should be strong position".
The interviewer was prepared to be aggressive in his questioning, and so, he put the question straight to the ambassador; "what does Nigeria want, ultimately, to happen in Guinea?"
In her soft-spoken manner, Mrs. Abdulahi did, again, sound extremely cautious, reiterating the same public stance and rhetoric adopted months and weeks before by the likes of the Nigerian's foreign affairs minister, and even Mr. President. She replied, "What Nigeria wants to happen is very easy, for Guinea to return to constitutional order" and would that, basically, mean having free and fair elections, civilian candidates, and not a military government?"
The question again came straight at her. "Yes, definitely," was her two-worded response.
But is that position not putting her government on a coalition course with the current military junta in Guinea? She replied: "Well, I would like to still believe that President Dadis would keep to his word".
Did she or her government trust Captain Dadis as a negotiation partner? Her answer to that was far from categorical, but, equally very diplomatic, as she said: "We are still watching him. We hope, as he keeps saying and he keeps reiterating that he loves his country ...that would help Guinea to come out of its present situation".
Inside Guinea, the opposition has not necessarily been very united. But, surely, the leadership of the fragmented position, buoyed by support from civil society groups, have managed to galvanize a large chunk of Guineans, first, to start taking action against Conte's dictatorial, corrupt rule, and now, against what Dadis is thought to be trying to do: namely perpetuate his own rule, by first promising not to stand in elections, only to begin to backtrack on that pledge. Many opposition figures were arrested and jailed, following September's military crackdown. Nowadays, some of the victims of the onslaught can be found taking refuge in safe houses and forests.
Dozens of lives may have been lost on September 28. but, that gruesome incident appears to have had the effects of not just emboldening the pro-democracy movement in Guinea, but, it has also brought them closer to the mass of the people, so that when they speak out, whoever can afford to speak out among them, people do listen.
One such leader of the opposition Mogtar Diallo, participated in the protest that led to the bloodshed in September. On the record, he has continually spoken out about his fears for the future of his trouble country and its nine million persons. "There is a danger, "he told a journalist, "because Dadis Camara is currently recruiting a militia force among young people in his ethnic region. So, today, there is a real danger of a civil war. I don't want that.
But there is that danger. So we have that right and the duty to demand humanitarian intervention, even by force; because if we let them get away with it, let them create their militias, for other ethnic groups to protect themselves, will organize and arm themselves too".
Did Mr. Diallo realize that he was actually calling for military intervention in his country by outsiders? "Absolutely," was his answer. "There has to be a foreign protection force here in Guinea to protect the people".
Who on earth will be prepared to do it, i.e. send in an international force at this time, especially when such a force will encounter definite resistance from the junta and its armed backers?
"There is the West African Economic Community", he replied. "There's the African Union; there is the United Nations. What is the point of having these organizations if they stand by passively doing nothing, when people are massacred in this part of the world? What's the point of these organizations if they do that?"
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It is starting to get distressing to hear so many so-called African leaders begging the enemy to "intervene" on their behalf. In most civilized countries such behavior would be considered treason. So, what makes these Uncle Toms and Aunt Jemimas think that asking for foreign intervention is not or ought to not be condsiderd trason in Guinea or any other African country? Clearly the CNDD governemnt is showing a lot of forbearance on this issue.
Guinea was one of the first countries in become independent in Africa. This occurred in 1958 just after Ghana's independence in 1957 and Egypt's in 1952. The "constitutional order" was ther party-state of the Democratic Party of Guinea. But, in the 1980's the enemy was not satisfied with that kind of "constituional order". So, the PDG governemnt was illegally overthrown. Now, after two militray dictatorships, someone calls for "constituional order". And, we know that their idea of "constituional order" is not restoration of the legitimate constitution under which Guinea gained independence, the PDG constitution. Their idea of "constituional order" seems to be to allow the thugs who brought in the dope dealers and other criminals and who refused to get a fair price for Guinean oil and other resources to return to power. Well, blow me down! That makes no sense at all.
The CNDD government is trying to implement a $7 billion dela with a Chinese company that will finally begin to end poverty in Guinea and promote development, independent development not subject to whims and whins of the neo-colonial powers. $7 billion is about equal to the entire GPD of Guinea under the Conte regime. That alone sounds like "consitutional order" to me.
Mother Africa has many children born abroad. President Barack Obama is one of the most notable in recent times. As a child of Africa, Barack Obama's heart cries for his Mother Africa. All of us here in the Americas cry for our Mother Africa.
We do not know what President Obama's inner convictions are on the question military intervention in Africa but the U.S. military establishment has already made public it's intention of creating an operational "Africa Command".
The tide of history moves everyone even the POTUS. America by historical definition is a warrior nation. Given the hard choice Americans will always vote for war. As an African American I know this to be true. We take pride in our military prowess.
If Mother Africa is in need of her lost and found sons and daughters, Mother Africa only has to call for her children to come home and make peace in the land. America has a million men if that is what Mother Africa needs. President Obama has only to pick up his telephone and call Minister Farrakhan and Dr. Cosby for a million men to march.