The EPRDFites, led by their technocratic chairman, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, preside over a sprinting but volatile economy. Ethiopia is experiencing a changing external image, a growing regional hegemony and an improving international acceptance. Their driving of the economy has largely been successful, although there has been bumps along the way.

Four decades of litmus testing on the ideological front has also given them the necessary clarity. This has eventually landed them at the Democratic Developmental State approach, borrowed largely from Asia. This very statist strategy has also made them donor-darlings.

Typical of the model they follow, however, there is preferential treatment to economics over politics. Every string of political decision, according to the developmental holy book of the EPRDFites, ought to be reasoned by virtue of its relationship with the economic sphere.

Although this approach has spared them from the worst case scenario, not to mention the post-election crisis of 2005, the EPRDFites continue to face considerable opposition. This is especially true in the areas of freedom of expression and respect to human rights. Indeed, their performance in most of the global good governance indices, most of which they label as neo-liberal and unjustifiably ideological, is rather poor.

A dominant figure in their unique matrix of balancing economics with politics was Meles Zenawi. He was the popular EPRDFite, whose influence, both within the ruling party and out of it, remains significant even a year after his death. Certainly, Meles took the first step in establishing the link between mainstream politics and economics in a way that gave the ruling party enough space. Since then, the overlap has become the mainstay of developmental politics.

Whatever flows against the rhetoric of the ruling Revolutionary Democrats is considered to be on the economic warpath. This name-tagging has even created a clear dichotomy within the political sphere. Here, the ruling party stands on one said, while all the oppositions are lumped together on the other.

There are signals that things might be changing for the better, however. It has only been a couple of months since the EPRDFites allowed the relatively young opposition, Semayawi Party, to host a demonstration in Addis Abeba. The demonstration, although undertaken weeks after its intended time, brought together thousands of urbanites. They were calling for various changes, from respect to the basic human rights to religious freedom.

Months after this demonstration - the first organised by an opposition political party in eight years - another opposition political party, the Unity for Democracy & Justice (UDJ), organised demonstrations in some regional cities. The party called for a review of the anti-terrorism law, which contains ambiguous provisions that are widely open for interpretation. It said it aims to collect one million signatures, in order to request for the repulsion of the law.

Other political opposition parties are also said to have plans to follow suit. The impacts of the demonstrations are yet to be seen.

In themselves, however, the events signal a change in the approach of the EPRDFites. They do not, however, guarantee any sustainable shift in the political stance of the ruling Revolutionary Democrats.

If anything, the two decades of rule since the change in government of 1991 could be identified by the progressive narrowing of the space for dissent and alternative policy ideas. This has eventually ended up in a space that is heavily dominated by a ruling party, which continues to get fatter with each day. Opponents, on the other hand, only grow downwards.

The political monopoly of the ruling party has even diffused to the policy sphere, where it has resulted in policies that pass through no political scrutiny. Policy instruments are often reduced to declarations of the political intent of the ruling party.

It has all been taking place in a country that previously had over 90 political parties, a number that has now reduced to 79. As if all these political parties do not represent a political interest, the ruling EPRDF has been giving deaf ears to their voices and that of the interests they represent.

Of course, the opposition political parties have a multitude of internal problems. Prime amongst them is their failure to concretise their policy alternatives and utilise whatever small opportunity there is to reach their political base. Most of them even spend a large proportion of their time infighting.

Complementing their weaknesses is the hegemony of the ruling party. Most of the unfolding opportunities for healthy political competition and inclusive policymaking have been avoided by the ruling party. This was the case despite repeated promises, even by the late Meles Zenawi, to involve the political opposition in the national policymaking process.

In contrast to the local reality, modern textbook politics entails competitive politics as the foundation of sustainable economic development. Policies designed and implemented under competitive politics have a higher probability of representing the varying interests on the ground, and hence success. It is evident that more people would benefit from such a process.

By enjoying the default political monopoly, the ruling EPRDF is depriving the political space of viable alternatives. Aside from limiting its own competitiveness, which would have followed a different path had there been competent political opposition, its action also stunted the local political sphere. So much so that the voting public is left with no viable choice.

Regardless of the latest signals, Ethiopian politics still lacks numerous traits highly desired in an aspiring democratic nation. All the political songs are the same and the lone group of singers are the EPRDFites. No sign of real-time competition exists.

But, if anything, this kind of political playing field is not conducive to the sustaining of economic growth. It even makes it very difficult to translate growth into development.

Transforming the political space into a more competitive, vibrant, inclusive and diverse platform is the responsibility that the ruling EPRDFites ought not to overlook. Such a platform would help them to adapt their policies to the needs and demands of the voting public.

Rightly, the opposition political parties have their own share of responsibility within such a matrix of change. Their operational framework needs to be more about policy than rhetoric, cooperation than infighting and pragmatism than idealism.

After all, it is only through a competitive political process that the very human basis of an economy can be utilised effectively, and willingly, to stand for a similar developmental cause. Competitive politics is certainly not a luxury for Ethiopia, but rather a necessity.