New Zimbabwe (London)

Zimbabwe: Morgan Tsvangirai - God's Choice

Photo: xinhua
A voter gets his ballot at a polling station in Harare, capital of Zimbabwe.

PERHAPS Morgan Tsvangirai's greatest attribute so far has been to successfully demystify President Robert Mugabe - something previously too dangerous to try if not impossible to attain.

As Zimbabwe votes for a new today, Tsvangirai will still be the proud holder of some record: in 2008 he became the first politician to hand Mugabe his first electoral defeat forcing a run-off election - an achievement which eluded even giants like the late Joshua Nkomo.

Prior to that Mugabe was largely feared and effectively unchallengeable; and with reason. None of Mugabe's rivals has ever escaped his vengeance. Mugabe's vengeance knows no boundaries nor does it taboos. Foes, friends, and relatives have been pursued even in death.

Naturally, Tsvangirai has not been spared. He has been savagely beaten, fitted up for treason and crudely lampooned. In one incident, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt.

Tsvangirai's courage and survival have had a devastating effect on both Mugabe's pride and legacy. Since the 2008 election, Mugabe's disdain for Tsvangirai has steadily diminished into hatred, fear and genuine acceptance.

Gone are the days when Mugabe passionately and angrily dismissed Tsvangirai as an 'empty bucket', 'tea boy' and a 'puppet'. Rather, so dramatic and devastating has been Tsvangirai's impact on Mugabe's pride that Mugabe himself has admitted to 'humiliation'.

There are other noteworthy developments.

Long dogged by an image problem, the MDC seems to have finally moved on. Not so long ago the MDC was, rightly or wrongly, seen in some parts of Africa as a front of the West - an image which Mugabe promoted and exploited to his fullest advantage. Not anymore. Even the current USA envoy to Zimbabwe, Bruce Wharton, unlike his predecessors, seems to be far removed from the MDC politics and is more engaged in environmental issues than in propping up Tsvangirai. The MDC is alone out there playing its own game.

More importantly, if Tsvangirai has diminished, it would be by an insignificant margin. What is obvious is that he has proved to be a good learner. Silly gaffes such as threatening Mugabe with violence and negotiating deals with the wrong people like the Israeli Ari Ben Menashe genuinely appear to be things of the past. He handles crisis with calm too; and in such a way that his supporters will give him a second chance. The issue of philandering, exploited to the maximum by the state media, comes to mind as it appears to be so distant now that nobody seems prepared to talk about it.

To achieve these milestones, Tsvangirai, unlike his rival, has not relied on a known state support system of his own. Rather, he relies on personal courage; both goodwill and sympathy. Being a trade unionist, he is easy at grassroots and being up against a system underwritten by Mugabe whose ogre image is stuff of legend, Tsvangirai enjoys uncritical sympathy across the globe.

The downside to this is that it may have been this capacity to inspire devotion almost effortlessly which informed the party's poor performance in the recent Freedom House survey. The survey, which drew indignation within the party, found that the MDC was lagging behind Zanu PF in terms of support perhaps because of their relaxed approach to politics.

Unlike Zanu PF, the MDC hardly appears to operate a consistent system of membership recruitment and organisation. As this election has shown, people can easily negotiate to represent the party in a constituency of their choice without much vetting. Perhaps this could explain why the party seems not to have a known strict disciplinary system. Since the expulsion of Munyaradzi Gwisayi in 2001, the MDC has hardly ever disciplined anybody.

There are other worrying issues. Other than just courage, nothing else speaks to Tsvangirai's achievements. He comes across as more of a beneficiary of Mugabe's deterioration rather than an innovator. There seems to be no capacity on his part to initiate and articulate issues and to chat the way forward; or captivate the momentum. Rather he seems to always ride on the momentum. This sets him apart from Mugabe who is an innovator in both speech and deed.

Tsvangirai is one who happened to be there when someone was needed to rock the boat. As they say in Africa, he is God's chosen one. But perhaps in a continent where God is ubiquitous and in Zimbabwe where his (God) prophets still wow masses, this image of God's choice could redound in his favour. This could explain why Mugabe has, for years now, been courting the Apostolic Church of Zimbabwe which enjoys the largest following in the country.

Today it might be the day God smiles on Zimbabwe.

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