Washington, DC — Madagascar now has two governments. One is led by the incumbent, President Didier Ratsiraka, effectively banished from the capital city, Antananarivo, and operating out of a hastily-declared headquarters in Tamatave. The other is led by Marc Ravalomanana, declared president by popular acclaim, sworn in by a supreme court judge in a packed national stadium, but lacking a constitutional mandate; he has this week moved his cabinet into government offices in the capital and appears - to all intent and purpose - to be in charge.
It all started in December when the country went to the polls. Marc Ravalomanana, millionaire businessman and mayor of Antananarivo, led a successful campaign and was well ahead. His supporters say that they observed the count and have a record of the results which gave their candidate outright victory with 50% of the vote. But when the High Constitutional Court finally announced the formal results, they gave Ravalomanana only 46.2% to Ratsiraka's 40.8%, necessitating a second round run-off. The opposition demanded a comparison of the original voting records to explain the discrepancy but the government refused to open them to public scrutiny.
A massive campaign of demonstrations and strikes in the capital ensued until late last month, when Ravalomanana declared that he would be sworn in as president and launch a government rather than accept the OAU mediator's proposal of a second round of voting in March.
Ratsiraka's government declared martial law and retreated to the provinces. But the army has so far chosen to avoid clashing with the self-declared president and his supporters, stepping aside on Monday this week to allow them, accompanied by a huge crowd of supporters, to install themselves in government offices.
Ravalomanana's Deputy Prime Minister Narisoa Rajaonarivony, responsible for the economy, finance and budget portfolio, talked to allAfrica.com about the team's plans.
What was the situation when you arrived to move into the government offices? Had all the officials from President Ratsiraka's administration left the premises?
We were accompanied by the crowd of supporters to the offices and we met no obstruction. Of course, you know that, at first, there were so many military men in front of the offices; but after some negotiation we were able just to move in. There was nobody there, and all our government officials are now in their offices.
So what did the soldiers say, given the declaration of martial law, wasn't it their duty to try and prevent you?
They were just confronted by a very peaceful population, they couldn't do anything. As far as martial law is concerned, as our president has said, we just ignore it. But last Sunday, part of the army were trying to get control of one place that was transmitting news, they just wanted to get control of some antennas and they threw some tear gas in order to try and proceed with the operation. They managed to have their own broadcasting studio now, but it was not very important anyway.
Do you still have radio stations on air that are sympathetic to your administration?
Yes our stations are still operating and we can broadcast; right now, we can broadcast throughout the country.
Now that you've taken over the offices and you have an administration in place, can you really govern? Will the civil service follow your orders, can you pay salaries and keep the country running?
Of course. Right now we are really trying to analyse to see the strengths and weaknesses and what are the major priorities.
The civil servants have been compliant, they have resumed work. In terms of paying salaries, most of the civil servants have been paid now. Insofar as I'm the minister in charge of budgets and finance, we are trying to deal with that right now and hopefully, by the end of this week, all the civil servants throughout the country will have been paid.
Does that mean that the banks will honour your cheques? That if you order the bank to pay the salaries of all the civil servants, they will comply, even though you don't have any formal legitimacy?
Yes, of course. The Treasury is in charge of issuing the cheques etc, and insofar as the Central Bank has also resumed work, it is possible for the bank to proceed with the payment.
But are they willing to do so?
Of course they are willing. Even the banks have participated in the strikes for the past three months.
What is the situation outside the capital, Antananarivo?
Mr Ratsiraka's administration is really trying to isolate 'Tana right now. Just today they have declared one province as the capital of the so-called 'autonomous provinces'. I've just heard today that they have held some kind of ministerial working session there, in Tamatave, but since they don't have a radio station and the national broadcasting station is in the hands of our government here in 'Tana, none of that information has been transmitted.
Have you and your colleagues been in touch with other groups around the country?
But of course; you know there are so many supporters of Marc Ravalomananana in the provinces. We have contact with people outside, as you know, our administration has many representatives throughout the country.
Are you getting messages of support or any indications that other parts of the country will declare their support?
You know, the problem is that, in the provinces, the authorities there are using violence. Just very recently, in one region, they have kidnapped some people and even killed one of them. The aim is to intimidate them - that is the only way open to them right now. Anyone who supports Mr Ravalomanana has been intimidated. But still, the population throughout the country is sticking to him.
What about the army? Do you have any idea what proportion supports your government?
The ministry of defence was just appointed yesterday, and so many general have joined Marc Ravalomanana's administration.
Would that be a majority of senior officers?
It is hard to tell; but let me tell you - martial law was proclaimed but the army was unable to implement it because the soldiers were reluctant to really implement the scheme.
"Is that because senior officers didn't believe their troops would carry out orders? Or because they also disagree with the Ratsiraka government?
Many of the high-level officers support President Ratsiraka, but those who have to implement the instructions do not follow them.
Are you afraid that the army may turn against you?
We are not afraid of the army, what we are a little bit scared of is those people who have been paid by Mr Ratsiraka to destroy the movement by intimidating those who are supporting Ravalomanana in the provinces, for example; they just kidnap important leaders in the provinces so as to warn people not to follow Ravalomanana.
And you think that could make a difference to your administration's survival?
Yes, but I'm confident. This is their last chance to intimidate us and they are using whatever they can. But the people are not eager to follow them.
How do you explain that the army has shown such reluctance to follow Ratsiraka?
This is quite simple. What we have been doing is peaceful demonstrations; no shop has been robbed and we have been marching without perpetrating any violence at all. The soldiers were convinced that we are just looking for the truth [about the election results] and the truth consists in having the results of both sides publicly compared. So I really think they felt that what we've been doing was justified. The army normally would have to comply with instructions from Ratsiraka but the army didn't follow because of this.
You have been heavily criticised by the international community - the UN, OAU and other governments who say that you have no legitimacy. Have you seen any sign that this position is weakening?
Well, let me tell you something. We did everything to sit down with the Ratsiraka administration, under the leadership of the OAU. We were not afraid of going into a second round of voting. But we needed to get the truth first, before proceeding with that. We just want to make a comparison of the different records of election results - theirs and ours. But they refused.
Your people were in the polling stations and at the count and they say the result was one thing, but the formally announced results turned out to be different from the ones that you had?
Right. What we want is very simple. Let us have the comparison of the different records; and second, we don't mind going for a second round if the results show that we have to do so. But they have never accepted that.
The members of the Electoral Committee were appointed by the Ratsiraka administration. Secondly, the institution in charge of the votes throughout the country was the Ministry of Interior. Thirdly, all the members of the High Constitutional Court were appointed by Ratsiraka himself, one day prior to the opening of the election.
Even prior to the first round, we had already asked for international observers but Mr Ratsiraka's government refused any foreign observers. They just said that Madagascar is a sovereign country and there's no use to have international observation because it would be like interference in Madagascar's domestic affairs. So we did everything to try and persuade these people that 'please do not think that we are not willing to go for a second round, but before doing that, let us know the truth about the first round.'
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And of course, if we did have to go for a second round, there were so many mistakes and pitfalls in the first round - let's correct that first! Let us appoint a new court, let us have a new electoral committee, and, of course, let us have international observers. Most important, let us have an autonomous body to collect the different vote results throughout the country instead of the letting the Ministry of Interior do it. So let's be fair, that is all we want.
So how are you now going to convince the UN, OAU and others? They are, after all, bound by their commitment to the rule of law.
We are tempted to think that the international community is like an accomplice with Mr Ratsiraka's government. Why? Before the proclamation of the result, the international community was saying the best way to deal with this is to have a comparison of the voting records. Once the results were proclaimed, they just said, OK, let's go for a second round! It is a contradiction.
And what is very funny is that all the time they say everything must be transparent, and here there is no such transparency! How can you ask us to go into a second round when there is no guarantee that the elections are going to be free and transparent?
Yet you do need their recognition.
We need the international community to recognise us. Let me tell you frankly, just a week ago, I spoke to the United Nations Development Programme representative here, and he said, OK I'll talk to the French ambassador to put pressure on the Supreme Court to really proclaim the correct results. So even the international community, I think, is convinced that there were some wrongdoings. I think if the international community puts pressure on the High Constitutional Court (HCC) to say, 'these are the true results', then I think there won't be any problem getting the international recognition.
The OAU contact group is coming to Antananarivo tomorrow, is that what you're going to say to them?
It is for the OAU to really put pressure on the HCC to issue the exact results. That's it.
