Jacques Sylla, the Prime Minister appointed by Madagascar's unofficial President Marc Ravalomanana, has presented his government programme to the National Assembly in the Malagasy capital, Antananarivo. Meanwhile, the standoff, which began following presidential elections in December 2001, continues between Ravalomanana and the incumbent President Didier Ratsiraka. On Tuesday, troops loyal to Ratsiraka opened fire on demonstrators in the central city of Fianarantsoa, killing at least four and injuring about forty.
First of all, tell us your version of what happened in Fianarantsoa?
Some of our supporters were kidnapped by the governor and some of his close associates. The crowds reacted by converging on the Grand Plaza and marching towards the Governor's Palace, where the five hostages were being held. That's when the governor's forces opened fire on the crowds, using live bullets and grenades. So there were casualties and injuries. It is said that between four and six people were killed and about forty injured. It is still difficult to have an exact toll. We despatched a delegation which will submit a report to us tomorrow.
What is happening in the other provinces, outside the capital? While Antananarivo seems to be under the control of your government, reports say that the incumbent President controls at least his native-province of Tamatave and other provinces.
The former President, Didier Ratsiraka, does not control the other provinces. Let me first of all recall that in December 2001, there were elections and even according to the results produced by the supporters of the former President, it was candidate Marc Ravalomanana who won first place with 46.15% even according to those supporters. As far as we are concerned, we won more than 52% of the vote. That means we obtained a majority even in the other provinces. But the former President moves around with his praetorian guard. That's what enables him to move around in the other provinces, while we try to avoid doing that at the present time because we don't want blood to be spilled. I have in fact travelled around in some provinces but I have done so with caution because we avoid major confrontations.
Let's talk about Monday's events, when members of the army still loyal to Ratsiraka tried to seize control of the parliament. Clearly, your supporters prevented the soldiers from doing that but nonetheless, the event shows that not every soldier has switched allegiance to Marc Ravalomanana. How divided is the army, do you think?
The majority of the army supports the results of the December 2001 elections. In other words, that majority supports President Marc Ravalomanana. The army commands were subverted by the supporters of the Admiral [Didier Ratsiraka] but despite that, the army remains neutral. You know, besides being African, we, the Malagasies, are also Asian, which means that we respect procedure. The soldiers who came to seize the parliament acted in respect of procedure. But when they realised the population was there, that it supported President Ravalomanana and that it was anxious to see the government present its programme at the National Assembly, they retreated. So the army did maintain neutrality.
But we heard that arms and munitions depots are controlled not by officers loyal to Ravalomanana but by those still loyal to Ratsiraka. Is that correct?
No that analysis is incomplete and therefore not impartial. In fact, the army is neutral and those who control the armouries support neither the one nor the other. Otherwise, one side or the other would have won a long time ago, though not without bloodletting. We don't control the armouries - and we are not trying to - but neither does the Admiral. Otherwise, he would have used arms against us and invaded the Antananarivo Province.
There were reports a few weeks ago about an Algerian plane which landed in Tamatave, prompting some of your supporters to say it was carrying weapons destined to Ratsiraka. The Algerians themselves said it was in fact carrying communications equipment for a private radio and TV station. Did you ever investigate the truth of the matter?
Yes, because the Admiral, not being in control of the army or of the armouries, was compelled to bring in mercenaries to set up his praetorian guard and that is why we had that Algerian plane transporting communications equipment as well as weapons and uniforms. That is the information we have. Because the army is staying neutral, the Admiral is forming a militia to enable himself to act.
How do you think this deadlock between Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka could be ended? You have been saying that a second round of voting, decreed by the Malagasy High Court and supported by the international community, including the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), is not acceptable. What is acceptable to you?
There are two options here. The first option is dialogue; the former President would accept to resign and to step down because he lost the election and the people no longer want him. We think that's the better option. It certainly is the more democratic and more republican. In the second option, that is, if he refuses to do that, we will go ahead with a new poll, a referendum, to give the people their say to support both our legitimacy and our legality.
You say that the first option is the more democratic, but is it likely?
It is hard to say. It is regrettable that a former head of state, who had led the country for more than twenty five years and brought it to its knees, does not realise that he is rejected by the entire people. So we think everything is possible. There are big interests at stake but if the international community added its weight to the will of the Malagasy population, we think that option is perfectly feasible.
And did the OAU mission put the referendum proposal to Ratsiraka?
Most certainly. The mission met with him, then they came to see us. We asked them if he had made any proposals. They said that he had not and that he was waiting for our proposals. So we made several proposals, one of which was the referendum. But up to now, we have not received a positive response from him. We hope he is examining that possibility if he really wants to keep a dialogue. Otherwise, let him make another proposal. Dialogue is made of proposals and counter-proposals.
You are Prime Minister but you also hold the Foreign Ministry portfolio. Why is that?
You know, because of the uncertain situation in Madagascar at the present time, the international community is raising questions on the reality of the so-called powers of the former President and of our own too. We therefore estimate that it is not necessary to split the office of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Ministry portfolios at this time.
Why do you think the stance of the international community is also not being entirely crystal-clear towards the situation in your country? France, for example, was initially against Marc Ravalomanana's self-proclamation, but they seem to have diluted that stance since. Do you know exactly how the French, Madagascar's former colonial rulers, currently view the situation in your country?
Every country has its own policy and sovereignty. You mentioned France. We all know France has entered the campaign for its presidential elections. In other words, an extremely sensitive period. It is clear the French will not take a definite stand until after the elections, when things will become clearer again, both in France and in Madagascar. having said that, the French position has evolved a lot since the beginning of the crisis. It no longer talks about a second round but about a referendum. During his visite to the island of Reunion, the French Prime Minister, Lionel Jospin, spoke of a referendum not a second round.
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You have been presenting your government programme to the National Assembly. In the health section, for example, you say you want each Malagasy to have adequate health treatment and affordable medication. Given that your country's finances are far from being in good shape, following several months of strikes, your critics already say you are playing the populist card. Are you?
Every time we pay attention to the interests of the majority, people start talking about populism. President Marc Ravalomanana is also paying attention to the interests of the majority. It is not populist to say that we must steer the government programme towards improving the life conditions of the people.
If we were to go by the declarations made by the former government, they said that inflation had been reduced to a single digit, that the growth rate hovered around 6.7% annually and so forth. While they said that, the people did not feel those so-called positive effects. Why? Because an oligarchy monopolised the country's wealth. Our programme will be based on policies such as good governance and the fight against corruption cultivated by the former regime to unprecedented levels. We will focus on health and education.
So where will you get the money to finance this programme?
People have not been paying their taxes because of the strikes but as soon as the situation returns to normal, there will be tax revenues, there will be money from exports and we will be able to finance our programme just like any other government. We also hope for, and count on, international support.
Did you approach the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund?
No, under the present circumstances we cannot ask for financial assistance. We are working according to the principle of state continuity. So we continue the projects already started under the former government. Naturally, the international financial institutions are raising questions, but for us, things continue as before.
