New York — The government of Rwanda is completing a busy month at the helm of the United Nations Security Council, a task that rotates among members - both the five nations with permanent seats and the 10 non-permanent members who are elected to two-year terms by the UN General Assembly. Rwanda assumed one of three African seats in January, replacing South Africa. In New York on April 1, Rwanda's UN Representative Eugene-Richard Gasana began to chair Council meetings, and Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo presided during several high-profile sessions this month. In an interview with AllAfrica's Reed Kramer, she described the significance she ascribes to Rwanda's Security Council membership and discussed controversial issues such as sexual violence, Rwanda's role in eastern Congo and the record of the International Criminal Court. Excerpts:
What does it mean for Rwanda to be presiding in the Security Council at this time?
Symbolically, for Rwanda to be presiding this month is very important. The last time Rwanda was in the Council was 19 years ago - right at the time of the genocide. Also, for Rwanda, it is an eye-opener. It makes us understand how Rwanda was abandoned in 1994 - because of the way the business of the Council is conducted. Being on the Council, it's possible to push certain issues. You'll get the other countries to listen to you because they will need your vote at some point!
Even as a nonpermanent member? What issues have you been putting forward?
Even as a nonpermanent member. We've been pushing discussion on conflict prevention as opposed to conflict management, which is what the Council now is doing. We've been asking: how do you keep peace in the world by letting conflict and violence, war and genocide take place and then try to manage it? There's a lot of interest in that discussion.
We chaired another debate on sexual violence in times of conflict, and this, too, was highly attended and attracted a lot of interest. So there is opportunity, although it's not the same opportunity as permanent members, who get to bring up their issues all the time. But over a period of two years, it's possible to get other countries interested and then to push for important outcomes.
Your government has been criticized by the Security Council and a Council-appointed 'Group of Experts', which has said your government is partially culpable for the violence in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Have you been dealing with these charges in the Council?
There has never been a dull moment for Rwanda since the genocide. That's a part of the baggage of history we have to carry. For Congo, we had to come up with a renewed mandate for the UN peacekeeping mission, which now is an intervention brigade. We supported that regionally before we went to the Council, because we think anything that can help bring peace is good. Our caution, however, was that nobody should think that an intervention brigade will end the problems of Congo. It should only be a small part of bigger actions that need to take place - mostly on the political front.
Would you address again the charges that the Rwandan government has provided support for the M23 militia in eastern Congo?
That M23 business has been blown out of proportion. Every time there is trouble in Congo, Rwanda gets accused, and it has to do with the fact they have Congolese of Rwandan descent in eastern Congo. But the problems of Congo are much, much bigger and go beyond one group. The world has failed to manage Congo. The United Nations - with a big mission there - has failed to manage Congo. What's important now is that all the neighbors of Congo are cooperating, and the UN Secretary General and a number of countries are pledging support.
You're saying the charges of Rwanda support for the M23 are unfounded?
What would be the justification for Rwanda to want to create trouble, because that's what we would get? It's a distraction from the responsibility by the international community. There is no question about that in our mind.
[Editors' note: Today an M23 official said the group is preparing to fight the UN brigade that is scheduled to arrive in July to take the offensive against armed insurgents who threaten UN peacekeepers or civilians, according to the AP. Stanislas Baleke, speaking on behalf of M23, is quoted by AP as saying that the latest peace offer from the government "did not take into account our suggestions." Also today, UN Special Envoy Mary Robinson, a former president of Ireland who has headed the UN Human Rights Council, said the intervention brigade should serve as a "deterrent rather than a military solution," according to AP.]
What do the international community and Congo's neighbors need to do, in Rwanda's view?
There hasn't been fighting in eastern DRC in some time. This lull is an opportunity to fix the non-military aspects of what is wrong in Congo - for the government in the DRC to take stock of what is wrong and figure out how to fix it. That's part of what the DRC itself and its neighbors - 11 countries - signed up to on the 24th of February in Addis Ababa. We are looking to implement this framework for Congo. It would be a mistake for Congo to decide that because there is an intervention brigade, this is the solution.
What should President Kabila and his government do to promote peace?
That can be better answered by the Congolese than by me. There are issues with the army, issues with communities that feel discriminated against. There is a lot of domestic political work to do. Geographically it is a challenge, but eastern Congo remains part of Congo. The good thing is there is a lot of good will toward Congo. Before the world gets tired and moves on to other problems, this is the time to get serious about fixing problems that have become endemic.
Following the special session on sexual violence, what concrete outcome do you hope to see?
We want to create a momentum about this issue. Beginning in our own neighborhood - in the Congo - what is happening to women is outrageous. We don't think it makes sense to keep saying: "Oh, it's regrettable." In the UN language, we express regrets and we have concern. No! We need to do something about it. So, the discussion was to really bring into focus this very serious issue.
You would remember that the first conviction for rape as an act of genocide, sadly, was in the trial of Rwandans who during the genocide rounded up women and supervised their rape. So, this is an issue we take extremely seriously as a country. Rwanda made 'infamous jurisprudence', so to speak, and we can't be indifferent. That's why we wanted this discussion. We are very sensitive to what is happening to these women in eastern Congo. We know that this whole targeting of women started with the men who committed genocide in Rwanda who now live in eastern Congo. It's a bad Rwandan export, and it's outrageous. We've been working closely with the United States, which is the penholder on that issue, and the United Kingdom, which will bring up the debate again in the Council in June.
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Another issue that comes before the Council is referrals for prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Like the United States, the government of Rwanda is not party to the ICC, but many African governments are. How does your government view the ICC currently?
My government has the same view we had when the ICC was born. We were very apprehensive because of the kind of injustice that Rwanda was undergoing at that time with French judges trying to cover up for the crimes of French officials in Rwanda by indicting Rwandan officials. So we were afraid that the court would become an instrument of powerful countries, especially involving Africa. And we were proven right. Of all the cases at the International Criminal Court - 28 cases - all of them are from Africa. One would think the world is full of African criminals, and that is it. This needs to be fixed if we want to advance justice. Rwanda absolutely wants justice both at home and abroad, but you can't have justice in those circumstances. I can tell you the feeling in Africa is there is a serious problem with that court - even with countries that originally signed up with the ICC.
But with the African Court on Justice and Human Rights not yet operational, what do you think should be done to address justice issues?
We need very quickly to see that our African Court starts to function. It is set up, but it is not functioning. That is a problem. We also have regional justice instruments that we need to activate. Frankly, the ICC is serious judicial colonialism. It is not acceptable. Crimes against humanity cannot be just the business of Africa.
