Mr. Abraham Darius Dillon
54th National Legislature, R/L
As my compliment to you is withheld herein, it saddens me wholeheartedly, by your wrongful assertion and misunderstanding of April 14, 1979 government provoked demonstration after the Progressive Class of Liberia (PAL/MOJA) initially planned peaceful protest against the proposed increase in the price of a 100-pound bag of rice from $23-$30 by the Government of former President William R. Tolbert.
Mr. Dillon, protégés of the Progressive Class of Liberia haven't had the pluck to critique neither enquiry any of you for your level of understanding about the works of the Progressive; not that you people are contextually better nor have a better struggle history to the Progressive--it because we who have read dialectics and understood that there are two groups in our Country: 1) Oppressor 2) Oppressed. The oppressor are people who pretend as if to say they are standing with the ordinary people at times and use that given situation to get elevated, you are one of the persons found in this category along with George Weah, Madam Sirleaf etc; and for the Oppressed, are people your class exploit and they can be aided by a tiny line of people who have the ability to join the oppressor and even lead them but they chose at all times to be on the side of the oppressed for the purpose of emancipating them; these people are considered in Liberia as the Progressive Class [learn this].
Mr. Dillon, the historical struggle pedagogy of the progressive is an invocation of the necessity (both empirical and normative) for human freedom. Their mission entails the contrastive of oppression and liberation, as the two polarities of the human existential condition. On the one hand, the masses are oppressed by virtue of their poverty and are unable to be themselves as free; yet they may accept this situation as fated or unalterable. The Progressive class has stood with the masses to educate them on the contrary that they may not fear freedom although at times carried risk and the potential for conflict. In addition, in situations of objective oppression and mass poverty, the rich are not free either. One of the reasons, you Dillon and cohorts disgorged lied against the Progressives is the fear they can provide knowledge to enable the poor understand the structural reasons for their poverty so that they can begin to liberate themselves and become free, autonomous human beings.
Mr. Dillon, let me borrow the quote from one of the Progressives (Andrew Jaye Jr), "Senator Dillon were you to muster the courage and discipline yourself by reading thoroughly the Liberia scholarship on April 14, 1979, you would not have ignorantly exposed your bankruptcy of the trigger of April 14, 1979."
Senator Dillon, what you need to know before April 14, 1979 Protest
Mr. Dillon, let me make you to understand that Liberia from her foundational stage has had two fundamental problems: 1) political 2) economical. Henceforth, it the Progressive Class that has given Liberia political freedom of which you are enjoying with intellectual arrogance; what the society still struggling on is economic freedom--how, now dare you to leave your lane to cross intellectual firing range with them?
Let's back to history, between 1949 and 1961, there were at least 12 to 15 strikes, all of them initiated and led by the workers themselves. However, the working class was still small in numbers. But from 1961 onwards, concomitant with the enormous growth in the accumulation of capital and a large increase in the number of wage-earners, the resistance of the working class manifested itself with increasing militancy. 1961 witnessed more strikes, and more workers involved in strikes, than in all previous strikes taken together. In one of these strikes, one of the few ever initiated by the trade union leadership, some 100 workers at the newly-constructed Ducor Hotel in Monrovia demanded higher wages and an end to the discrimination practiced against them by the white managers. The Ducor strikers were soon joined by dock workers and others who took to the streets in several days of demonstrations.
To this remarkable display of workers' solidarity, a remarkable example of the workers' ability to mobilize mass action, class responded with a swift, violent outburst. This class, many of whose leading members are themselves large anxious to put an immediate halt to this challenge to its long-established of subjecting the workers to the domination of the capitalists. The violent response of the ruling class to the striking workers was to become standard policy. While promising the striking workers a 'consideration' of their grievances, the ruling class was quick to call in the troops and to arrest the leaders of the union. The President was saddled with stringent emergency powers against the broad masses, and the military machine was armed with more troops and more and better guns. The back of the strike was thereby broken. The workers were therefore forced to retreat; to retreat, but not, of course, to surrender. Two years later, from 2-14 July 1963, they returned to stage one of the largest strikes Liberia has ever known. Involving some 20,000 workers of the Firestone rubber plantations, the strike closed down operations at all 45 divisions of the plantations and obliged the company to suspend purchases from Liberian farms, the largest of which are owned by government officials. Again, the army and the police were called in and the strike was brutally crushed.