The current feud in Rivers State could further hurt the image of President Tinubu, who has not sufficiently recovered from the controversies that dogged his candidacy during and after the elections.
...there are fears that the audacity with which Wike is going after Fubara so soon after the elections may be a signpost of the return of the more crude form of godfatherism, which characterised the early years of this cycle of liberal democracy in the country (1999-2007). That form of godfatherism, which can best be described as 'machine politics', is a form of politics characterised by tight organisation and a strong centralised leadership, typically in the form of a "boss"...
The feud between former governor of Rivers State and current Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, and Governor Siminalayi Fubara has dominated the headlines over the past couple of weeks, with no solution in sight. The political dogfight has led to moves to impeach Governor Fubara, the decamping of 27 PDP members of the state legislature to APC and the consequent declaration of their seats vacant by a factional Speaker of the State House of Assembly loyal to Governor Fubara, the demolition of the State House of Assembly complex, and fears that the conflict is increasingly assuming an ethnic dimension. Attempts by President Tinubu to mediate in the conflict have failed to douse the tension.
There are several issues raised by the Wike-Fubara political dogfight:
One, keen observers of Rivers' State politics do not feel surprised at the pernicious falling out between Nyesom Wike and his political godson, Siminalayi Fubara. In fact what is happening between Wike and Fubara seems to be part of the DNA of Rivers State's politics, especially in the relationship between political godfathers and godsons in the state where, since 1999, political godsons have always succeeded in running their erstwhile political godfathers out of town. For instance Dr Peter Odili, the first civilian governor of Rivers State in this current cycle of liberal democracy, managed to neutralise his erstwhile godfather, the late Harry Marshall, just as he was driven out of town after his tenure by Rotimi Amaechi, who was his political godson. Nyesom Wike, an erstwhile chief of staff and political enforcer for Rotimi Amaechi, also fought and neutralised Amaechi, his former political godfather, in a bitter feud that has lingered for over eight years.
Another seeming trait in the DNA of Rivers politics is that all the governors of the State since 1999 (apart from Celestine Omehia who had a brief rule from 29 May 2007 to 25 October 2007) nursed the ambition of being president of the country and spent lavishly to achieve that ambition.
Two, strictly speaking, the issue of godfatherism (or 'my oga at the top' phenomenon) is not alien to the various indigenous cultures in the country. While the terminology in our various indigenous languages will be coterminous with a 'mentor' or 'guardian', in Nigerian politics it is about power brokers, a patron-client and transactional relationship, in which the main goal is for both the client and the patron to use each other to attain selfish goals that have little to do with the general societal good. Like any business deal, political godfathers invest in their 'godsons', deliver their own part of the bargain (usually elective or appointive offices) and expect returns on investment. Across the country, political godfather versus godson feud has hardly favoured the godfather. The epic godfather versus godson dogfights since 1999 include those involving Governor Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State and his political godfather, Senator Jim Nwobodo; Governor Mala Kachallah of Borno State and his godfather, Senator Ali Modu Sherriff (popularly known as 'SAS'); Governor Chris Ngige and his political godfather, Andy Uba in Anambra State; Governor Willie Obiano and his political godfather, Peter Obi, in Anambra State; former Governor Rauf Aregbesola and his political godson, Gboyega Oyetola, in Osun State; Governor Babatunde Fashola and his political godfather, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (who also stopped another political godson, Akinwunmi Ambode from getting a second term in Lagos State); former Governor Godswill Akpabio and his political godson, Emmanuel Udom; and Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State and his former godson, Theodore Orji.
Also, there have been the contentions between Chimaroke Nnamani and his political godson, Sullivan Chime, in Enugu State; Rabiu Kwankwaso and his former political protégé, Abdullahi Ganduje, in Kano State; Adams Oshiomhole and his former political godson, Godwin Obaseki, in Edo State; former Governor Wamakko and his former political boy, Aminu Tambuwal, in Sokoto State; former Governor Liyel Imoke and his former political scion, Ben Ayade, in Cross Rivers State; former Governor George Akume and his political godson, Gabriel Suswam, in Benue State; and the late Governor Mbadinuju and his political godfather, Emeka Offor, in Anambra State. With the exception of Tinubu in Lagos, nearly all the other fights between political godfathers and political godson ended in favour of the latter. Of course, some political godfathers who could not remove their 'recalcitrant' political godsons outright, aligned with other forces either to thwart their former scion's second term ambitions or to get them removed through election petition tribunals.
Having used the networks he created as godfather of Lagos politics to expand his influence beyond Lagos to some other parts of the country and eventually to become the president of Nigeria, it is possible that some ambitious politicians may be thinking of replicating the Tinubu template in their domain, with the hope of using it to also achieve national political power. If this assumption is correct, we may likely see an increasing 'mafianisation' of Nigerian politics...
Given that the godfather versus godson political dogfight is almost inevitable, and that the godson as governor almost always wins, why do people still want to play the role of godfathers? In particular why will governors who are about to conclude their tenures be hell bent on selecting and installing successors, when the history of the relationship between the political godfather and the political godson rarely favours the former after the election? One possible explanation is that governors concluding their tenure must have figured out that it may be riskier for someone they did not anoint or install to succeed them, than someone they handpicked turning against them with time. The short term benefits of installing a successor by a departing governor may include covering the backsides of the departing governor from anti-graft agencies like the EFCC or giving such a governor at least temporary relief from damaging revelations.
Three, there are fears that the audacity with which Wike is going after Fubara so soon after the elections may be a signpost of the return of the more crude form of godfatherism, which characterised the early years of this cycle of liberal democracy in the country (1999-2007). That form of godfatherism, which can best be described as 'machine politics', is a form of politics characterised by tight organisation and a strong centralised leadership, typically in the form of a "boss", with the organisation/network dominating the landscape, mafia-style.
Tinubu is arguably Nigeria's most successful political godfather, having been responsible for choosing all the governors of Lagos State since he completed his tenure as governor in 2007, and having also played a significant role in the emergence of most of the governors in the South-west and beyond. Having used the networks he created as godfather of Lagos politics to expand his influence beyond Lagos to some other parts of the country and eventually to become the president of Nigeria, it is possible that some ambitious politicians may be thinking of replicating the Tinubu template in their domain, with the hope of using it to also achieve national political power. If this assumption is correct, we may likely see an increasing 'mafianisation' of Nigerian politics by moneybags and former political office holders, especially former governors, as the new groups compete for influence and networks in their domains and beyond.
...the current feud in Rivers State could further hurt the image of President Tinubu, who has not sufficiently recovered from the controversies that dogged his candidacy during and after the elections. Given the controversy over the role of Wike in the electoral umpire's declaration that Tinubu won Rivers State, popular grapevine and social media talks is that Wike was given the powerful FCT ministry not just to compensate him for his role in Tinubu's winning of the last election but also...
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Four, what is the impact of godfatherism in Nigerian politics? Besides the possible 'mafianisation' of Nigerian politics and all it portends, the cost of 'oiling' the structure of the political godfather (usually by the political godson's thieving of state resources), could be prohibitive and undermining of development efforts. Similarly, since political godfathers are people who not only have tremendous resources to fund elections but also folks who claim to know how to 'win' elections, Nigerian-style, and how to manage the violence that often attends electoral competition in the country, the seeming return of 'machine politics' could accelerate the current alienation of citizens from the state and its politics. It will also further discourage otherwise competent professionals from getting involved in elective offices.
Five, the current feud in Rivers State could further hurt the image of President Tinubu, who has not sufficiently recovered from the controversies that dogged his candidacy during and after the elections. Given the controversy over the role of Wike in the electoral umpire's declaration that Tinubu won Rivers State, popular grapevine and social media talks is that Wike was given the powerful FCT ministry not just to compensate him for his role in Tinubu's winning of the last election but also to ensure that he uses the Rivers State template to ensure that the APC wins the FCT in 2027 (to avoid the embarrassment of not winning or securing 25 per cent of the votes in the FCT, which was one of the grounds of the petitions against him at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal). It is also believed that the Tinubu government is tacitly supporting his bid to retain the control of the political structures of both the PDP and the APC in Rivers State for the same reason. All these are likely to derogate from the already narrow legitimacy base of the president, especially if the current hardship persists and the myth about his competence continues to wane.
Jideofor Adibe is a professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University, Keffi and Extraordinary Professor of Government Studies at North Western University, Mafikenng South Africa. He is also the founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers and can be reached at 0705 807 8841 (Text or WhatsApp only).
