Celebration and frustration are near opposites that you would not normally expect to occupy the same space at the same time. Sometimes, however, they do and it is the disappointment that lingers. We have seen instances of this in East Africa in the last few days.
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On Friday, January 12, Zanzibar marked the 60 years of the revolution that overthrew the Sultan and ended years of Arab political domination on the islands.
The revolution in 1964 was the first major political upheaval in independent East Africa that had a big impact on the region. But it is what followed three months later that has gained more recognition than the revolution itself. In April 1964, Zanzibar and Tanganyika formed a union and created the United Republic of Tanzania.
That union held the promise of African countries coming together to form larger political units that could be the building blocks of a future united Africa. It has held well so far.
Of course, there have been strains in the union. The old order never gives up easily and will always try, if not to regain power or dislodge the new, to frustrate it and make its work difficult.
From time to time, nationalist sentiments, sometimes fed by perceptions of inequality in the union, threaten its very existence.
Racial tensions, too, occasionally come to the surface. Internal contradictions, ideological differences, and struggles for dominance in the political parties that took power following the revolution have at different times put pressure on the union.
But it has held and largely been successful. However, Tanzania's example of forging unity has been the exception rather than the model it could have been. Indeed, before that, there had been other attempts but which eventually unravelled.
A little further north, there had been another union in the Horn of Africa. Upon independence in 1960, the former British protectorate of Somaliland and the former Italian colony of Somalia merged to form the Republic of Somalia. That union worked well until 1991 when the government of President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown. The country descended into civil war and broke up into clan led units constantly at war.
Only former British Somaliland picked itself up from the rubble intact and has since been a functioning state, free from the unending conflicts in its southern neighbour. Nobody, however, recognises it as an independent state. Perhaps because it functions as a normal state, Somaliland is rarely in the news. Until a few weeks ago.
On January 1, Ethiopia announced it had signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with Somaliland that would give it access to the Red Sea port of Berbera. That has sparked a diplomatic row with Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its territory and harbours hopes of reunion.
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Somalia has protested the deal vehemently, which it sees as leading up to possible diplomatic recognition. Relations with Ethiopia have always been tense, even at the best of times. This new development is likely to increase the tension and plunge the region into greater chaos.
Nearer home, on Thursday, January 11, a day before Zanzibar marked its revolution that paved the way for union with Tanganyika, Burundi announced it was closing its borders with Rwanda. The two events could not have been more different and in this sense reflect the fluctuating fortunes and frustrations of East Africans.
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Both countries are members of the East African Community (EAC), an eight-member regional economic bloc with ambitions for political federation. For ordinary East Africans, the freedom of movement of people and goods is probably the most cherished ideal of the EAC.
Burundi's decision is drastic and extreme, even a little baffling, coming at a time when relations were beginning to thaw and there was hardly any discernible source of conflict. Many, even inside Burundi, question the wisdom of that decision. It serves very little national purpose and will probably hurt Burundian businesspeople more and increase the country's isolation. It certainly does little to advance the cause of integration, actually violates it and actively works to thwart it.
But in a sense it is also predictable. Burundian authorities are given to making erratic decisions and scapegoating whenever faced with certain challenges. They also seem inclined to isolation. And then, of course, it has happened before. In 2015, after the failed coup attempt, Burundi closed its border with Rwanda and only reopened a little over one year ago.
Accusations that Burundi has levelled against Rwanda to justify its actions would be laughable if they did not have grave consequences for regional integration. The immediate spark for the latest closure is Rwanda's alleged support for a Burundian rebel group, RED-Tabara, which attacked Gatumba near Bujumbura in December 2023.
It is difficult to see the connection between that attack and Rwanda, or even any reasons for aiding the rebels. The accusations are perhaps a projection of their own involvement with the FDLR in DR Congo and Interahamwe in Burundi.
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The rebels attacked from South Kivu Province in DR Congo where they apparently have bases. The area is nowhere near Rwanda. Indeed, Congolese authorities confirmed that the rebels are based in DR Congo and dismissed Burundi's claims that they are in Rwanda.
Second, Burundi has troops in that part of DR Congo deployed there specifically to fight RED-Tabara rebels.
Third, there seems to be no reason for Rwanda to want to harm Burundi when, in the past, it has helped the country deal with security and other issues that they were either not aware of or were not able to handle on their own.
Burundi is in the EAC. So are Tanzania and Somalia. They have been in the news recently for different reasons. One celebrates success, the building of unity. Others reveal the failure to build. Uplifting and frustrating. That is our East Africa.