The third deal the EU is signing with a 'partner' state since 2016, a cash-strapped Egypt did not hesitate to justify Europe's immigration paranoias for an infusion of euros. The loopholes in this deal with the devil have been cynically exploited to push Sudanese refugees back into the war zone.
In mid-March this year, the European Union signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Egypt aimed at curbing irregular migration to Europe's shores partly via the kind of incentivised cash transfer that gives the impression that Brussels is serious about boosting the North African country's economy.
While the EU touted the €7.4 billion aid package as the silver bullet that could upgrade its relationship with the Arab world's most populous country to a "strategic partnership", critics including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and even the European Union's own rights watchdog, were quick to dismiss the deal as a reward for tyranny, a betrayal of EU values, and complicity in rights violations. These fears were vindicated on 25 April when a groundbreaking investigation by The New Humanitarian (TNH) and the Refugees Platform in Egypt (RPE) uncovered how thousands of Sudanese refugees who escaped to neighbouring Egypt have been detained by Egyptian authorities in a network of secret military bases, and then deported back to the war-torn country often without the chance to claim asylum.
The pushbacks unmasked by the joint RPE-TNH investigation add to others documented by the UN's refugee agency,UNHCR, the Global Detention Project and a group of 27 international non-governmental organisations. Nour Khalil, researcher specialising in migration policies and border violations, Executive Director of the Refugees Platform in Egypt and co-investigator in the joint RPE-TNH investigation, tells African Arguments that they faced "huge challenges" in the course of the investigation.
"These challenges were related to the fact that most areas are under the control of the armed forces, and by law, they are no-go military zones. The mere presence of civilians [in the zones] without the permission of the Egyptian security authorities is considered a crime," Khalil said. In addition, he explained that Egyptian authorities do not allow journalists, jurists, or researchers access to the region. "Thirdly, some of the sites [identified] as detention facilities are military bases under the authority of the Border Guard Forces, and therefore, one cannot access them except through military security statements. Fourthly, over the past years, Egyptian authorities have criminalised the work of journalists and researchers and they are constantly targeted because of their work, especially if this work exposes the army's involvement in crimes."
After publishing their investigations, Khalil and his team still face obstacles, including an organised attack on social media, accusations of espionage, as well as threats. "This happens every time we publish a report on refugee issues," he said. "The sixth challenge we faced was the difficulty of accessing cases and sources. There was also the challenge of preserving data on cases and ensuring that none of the witnesses or sources are subjected to any security harassment, especially in the context in which we are investigating."
Khalil also cited the difficulty of accessing official information directly through government agencies, as the Egyptian authorities "deliberately hide" the facts surrounding individual refugee cases. To do the investigation, Khalil and his team conducted in-depth interviews with dozens of cases of families whose relatives were detained, former detainees, survivors of forced deportation, human rights lawyers, lawyers of families of detainees, and confidential government sources. "We also analysed matching satellite images of military sites that are illegally used as detention centres with pictures from the ground, locations shared by witnesses, and specifications shared by former detainees; as well as reviewed dozens of official documents, including internal reports of (the army, police, and public prosecution)," he told African Arguments in an email.
Egypt is one of the main crossing points for migrants from North Africa heading for Europe and is fast becoming a transit country for international migrants trying to reach Mediterranean departure points with less effective marine patrol measures, such as Libya. The EU Asylum Agency reports that asylum applications submitted by Egyptians to European countries have increased from 6,616 in 2021 to 26,512 last year. Egyptians were the largest group of illegal immigrants arriving in Europe using the Mediterranean route, which the European Border and Coast Guard Agency noted was used by more than 100,000 migrants in 2022, reports Middle East Monitor. Italian government figures show more than 11,000 Egyptians fled to Italy in 2023.
The EU-Egypt deal at a glance
The three-year EU-Egypt strategic partnership involves €5bn in soft loans to support economic changes, €1.8bn to support investments from the private sector and €600m in grants including €200m for migration management. The financial and investment package has six areas of "mutual interest" for the EU and Egypt, namely: intense political dialogue, macroeconomic stability, sustainable investment and trade, migration and mobility, security, and human capital development.
In the Orwellian parlance of EU Partnership agreements, Brussels will support Egypt and its people in tackling the different crises it is facing: protecting shared prosperity and stability; accompany Egypt's socio-economic development and macro-economic reforms. Etc.
Since 2016, the EU has sealed similar pacts with Mauritania, Tunisia, Turkey and other countries. Those deals were specifically designed to reduce immigrant traffic. Reacting to reports of Egyptian authorities' eviction of Sudanese refugees, the EU Commission's Spokesperson's Service (SPP) pointed out, without irony, that migration is "only one" of the six pillars of the EU-Egypt Strategic and Comprehensive Partnership.
"Specifically on migration, the approach is a comprehensive one covering, for instance, legal migration and mobility as well as [the] fight against irregular migration (including through support to border management and anti-smuggling and trafficking)," the SPP told African Arguments in an email. "The EU expects Egypt, as other partners, to fulfil its international obligations including regarding the right to non-refoulement, and to uphold the human rights of all refugees and migrants. Both the EU and Egypt have recommitted to this in the context of the last Association Council.
"The EU has been supporting Sudanese people fleeing the ongoing conflict and who are currently in Egypt and will continue to do so." The SPP also said migration is a "global phenomenon" that must be addressed in cooperation with countries of origin, transit and destination alike, and that it must be managed in "full respect of international law".
"This is fully in line with the EU's Pact on Migration and Asylum, which calls on developing migration partnerships to address this phenomenon," the SPP told African Arguments.
But Emily Wigens, EU Director at the ONE Campaign, an international advocacy organisation campaigning to end extreme poverty, says the EU's aid package to Egypt is an "unfortunate continuation" of a concerning trend where the EU readily compromises its core values in favour of short-term political gains.
"These deals, along with the recent revision of the EU's 7-year budget, mark a turning point for 'Global Europe'," she says. Leaving the bloc's international partners to foot the bill for internal priorities like migration is short-sighted and risks damaging the EU's credibility and relevance in an increasingly competitive world," Ms Wigens told African Arguments in an email. It is concerning, she adds, seeing the EU's use of development aid straying further and further away from its intended objective of long-term poverty eradication which, she says, is "damaging the EU's credibility and diminishing trust with partners".
"The EU needs to rethink this approach as retaining soft power is vital for maintaining its position as a global and trusted leader," Wigens said.
But the EU Commission's Spokesperson's Service maintains that human rights remain a "high priority" in its relationship with Egypt. "We consistently make clear to our Egyptian partners that an improvement of the human rights situation in Egypt will positively impact our bilateral relations," the SPP wrote. "Moreover, human rights matters will be raised systematically at all levels and fora, using as a benchmark international human rights commitments and Egypt's declared goals in its National Human Rights Strategy."
Hidden clause of EU-Egypt deal
On 19 March, the World Bank Group announced $6 billion in support over three years to Egypt amid Cairo's foreign currency crunch and gaping budget and balance of payments deficits. Of this sum, $3 billion was earmarked for government programmes while the remaining $3 billion was directed at the private sector, the Bank said.
Prior to the support, Egypt had, on 6 March, signed a loan agreement with the International Monetary Fund that expanded IMF support to Egypt by $5 billion. This generous flow of finance coincided with rare political support, culminating in Egypt's relations with the EU being raised to a "strategic and comprehensive partnership" following the signing of the landmark deal whose hidden clause also requires Cairo to provide security, military and intelligence services related to the security of the Mediterranean and Red Seas, and border control. The support could also bolster the Sisi regime as the wall of resistance in the face of political Islam in the shape of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Arab Spring, both of which are major concerns for the Gulf and Europe.
Egypt currently hosts nine million refugees and migrants - about 10% of its roughly 106 million people, including 4 million from Sudan and 1.5 million Syrians, according to the UN's International Organization for Migration. About 480,000 have registered as refugees and asylum seekers with the United Nations' refugee agency. Many of those migrants have established their own businesses, while others work in the huge informal economy as street vendors and house cleaners.
Cairo has said repeatedly that it deserves recognition for largely shutting off irregular migration from its north coast since 2016. The Greek islands of Crete and Gavdos have seen a steep rise in migrant arrivals in recent months - mostly from Egypt, Bangladesh and Pakistan - raising concerns about a new Mediterranean smuggling route. The EU also faced a surge in migrants arriving via the Mediterranean Sea during 2023 following a lull in 2022. EU officials have expressed fears the numbers are climbing again in 2024.
Dr Mohamed Zayed, Chairman of the Arab African Council on Socioeconomic Development (AACSED) and International Consulting Limited (ICLEG), says EU leaders understood the implications of failing to "act jointly" with Egypt to suppress and control the obvious negative implication of migrants whose numbers have swelled in recent years due to regional conflicts, much of which, he says, stem from Western policies. "Egypt has a very robust diplomatic corps and advanced international lobby whose hard work over recent years finally bore fruit. And this, during a time which could see an unprecedented uptick in migration flows, which could reach many more millions if not handled properly. The joint financial support came not a moment too soon!" Dr Zayed told African Arguments over the phone.
He expresses concern that the migration issue has reached a "near-crisis point" regionally for Africa and Europe. "There is no place for criticism or inappropriately linking issues such as human rights to an urgent, regional humanitarian crisis," Zayed said.
"It's equally inappropriate to compare other countries with any negative spin, as this is simply a type of factual ignorance or jealousy from some Western pundits who are proxies of the current US administration, which has been complacent in many recent human rights tragedies over the years and a historic rights abuse affecting more than a million people. There is absolutely zero room for linking the issue of human rights as the basis for any negative criticism regarding Egypt."
Ambassador Dr. Mohamed Abd El Ghaphar, President of the Pan African Movement Global Commission to North Africa and the Arab world has also welcomed the Egypt-EU strategic partnership agreement. He says the roughly nine million foreigners, migrants and refugees (from over 50 countries) that Egypt currently hosts - 10% of its roughly 106 million people - constitute a burden to Egypt's security, economy and society in general.
"We need to curtail them, but also [curtail] our...youth from illegal immigration across the borders or across the sea to Europe, where lie nearest welfare states," Dr Ghaphar told African Arguments. "Egypt has become the main provider and channel of humanitarian aid to neighbouring countries. Migrants in Egypt live freely in different cities among the population and enjoy the same services and are given some special aid services like jobs, monetary assistance, schooling, scholarships, health care...etc," he said.
Dr Ghaphar claims that the economic costs of hosting migrants and refugees incurred by Egypt far outweigh international assistance received in this regard. "The grants will help to deal with some aspects of migration problems, [but] there is a need to empower our economy through grants, investments, trade and tourism. Egypt needs more grants and humanitarian assistance," he says.
He frowns at analysts who criticise Egypt's human rights records, and claims the North African country "upholds" UN principles and international law to the letter, while respecting human rights of citizens and foreigners.
"I challenge those who criticise Egypt to look at the formidable efforts we exert on all levels: politically we strive to solve conflicts in neighbouring countries and the whole region; economically, migrants live a normal life in Egypt in homes and not tents to the extent that many of them change their minds and prefer to stay in our country," Dr Ghaphar said.
"Egypt faces a very complex and difficult situation of migration - receiving hundreds of thousands of migrants who would like to work or settle in Egypt, where there are better economic conditions than in their home countries."
The politics of immigration statistics in Egypt
But migration policies researcher and director of the Refugees Platform in Egypt, Nour Khalil, disagrees, suggesting the Egypt-European agreement regarding the so-called immigration governance and border control cannot be separated from the violations that occur on the borders or within cities in Egypt, especially the issues of forced deportation.
"The Egyptian government, through officials up to the President of the Republic, is talking about the burden and difficulty of hosting nine million refugees in the country. These figures are incorrect; the number that the Egyptian government is using is based on statistics from the International Organisation for Migration of the numbers of foreign arrivals in Egypt in general and not [only] refugees, including students of non-Egyptian nationals, tourists, those arriving for work, those residing for reasons of family ties, asylum seekers and refugees registered with the UNHCR. In Egyptian law, the foreigner has special procedures regarding obtaining services," Khalil explained. The price of services varies for foreigners, he added, and that in this case, the presence of the foreigner does not pose any economic burden to the state, while those registered with the UNHCR come to about 500,000 people.
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"The services that are provided to them, which are not sufficient, are made through the UNHCR and its partners. Egyptians officials use false information about the number of immigrants and refugees and also about the services provided to them for the purpose of more support and funding from European partners. Agreements that are made without accountability and [measuring the risk] of their impact are a violation of human rights and the rights of people on the move," says Khalil.
His views are shared by Patrick Heinisch, emerging markets analyst at the German commercial bank, Helaba (Landesbank Hessen Thüringen) who thinks Egypt's economic difficulties certainly gave the EU a "good negotiating position" in obtaining concessions from Egypt. "However, Egypt is not only reliant on Western support to stabilize its shaky public finances," Heinisch told African Arguments in an email. "Europe is an important trade and investment partner. Therefore, even if the [Egyptian] economy was in better shape, Egyptian authorities would still be interested in good cooperation. It remains open to speculation if Egypt would be less severe pushing back refugees if its economy was in a more solid position."
Talking about reports of pushbacks of Sudanese refugees by Egyptian authorities a month after the deal with the EU, Heinisch argues it is "very likely" that the EU had not even spoken to Egypt about the specific nature of the measures to protect the border and prevent irregular migration thereby leaving the matter with the Egyptian authorities. "The leadership in Cairo probably thought that the most efficient and deterrent means would be to detain and then deport Sudanese who were undocumented and may not have official refugee status," Heinisch highlighted.
"The warning from Brussels that Egypt must adhere to international refugee conventions is a reaction to reports of pushbacks. The EU does not want to risk any damage to its image as a supporter of these practices. Actually, this will not have any impact on EU-Egypt cooperation. Egypt remains one of Brussels' most important partners in the region. This is bad news for the Sudanese refugees," he said. In order not to endanger the lucrative agreement with the EU, Egypt has no incentive to let the migrants freely cross the Mediterranean. The EU on the other hand, has a reputation of turning a blind eye on the methods its partners use to curtail the refugee influx across the Mediterranean. "We have seen that other countries (e.g. Morocco, Turkey) used migration as a means to put political pressure on the EU," Heinisch points out. "In principle, this tool is also open to Egypt with those 9 million migrants. However, the relationship between Brussels and Cairo is rather good. So I do not see Egypt opening ways for migrants to get to Europe."
Nalova Akua is a Cameroonian multimedia freelance journalist who treats news, features and other events with equal passion. He holds a BSc in journalism and has featured in outlets including Zenger News Service, The Epoch Times, Euronews Green, BBC Future Planet and Gavi, the Vaccines Alliance.
