In the previous article in this series, we explored how the trusteeship authority outmaneuvered the United Nations (UN). Today and historically, the UN has often betrayed Rwanda and the developing world.
The electoral process in Rwanda in 1961 shows the UN's ineffectiveness--a failure that will become more evident as we progress through this series.
ALSO READ: UN and Belgium's contrasting approaches to Rwanda's independence
The Gitarama Incident and PARMEHUTU's rise to power
The events in Gitarama cannot be disentangled from the factors that brought PARMEHUTU to power. The trusteeship authority managed operations, maintaining significant control.
The UN's failure in Rwanda set the stage for subsequent crises, culminating in the catastrophic Genocide Against the Tutsi in 1994.
The 1961 parliamentary elections and referendum
These elections solidified PARMEHUTU's grip on the state's highest organs. The UN resolution had called for the interim authority to be replaced by a government of national unity, with representation from all political parties.
In theory, governmental activities and the national assembly formed at Gitarama were to be suspended until legislative elections. However, this suspension was purely symbolic.
Ministers retained control, and mayors continued working for their parties, ensuring the perpetuation of partisan politics.
The elections and referendum, like their predecessors, were marred by violence and intimidation. PARMEHUTU supporters and officials targeted UNAR members and Tutsi populations at the local council level.
The violence led to deaths, refugees, and widespread displacement. Huts were burned, and repression was severe against UNAR supporters, while PARMEHUTU's actions went unpunished.
In March 1961, the UN mission noted that a racist party dictatorship was being established, replacing the monarchy with a retrogressive regime. Out of 44 legislative assembly seats, PARMEHUTU, UNAR, and APROSOMA secured 35, 7, and 2 seats, respectively.
Referendum results, aligned with the Gitarama convention's conclusions, showed 80% of voters opposing the monarchy.
Demands for nullification
King Kigeli V called on the UN to declare the referendum and elections null and void.
UNAR members and refugees submitted petitions demanding the nullification of the elections, the termination of the trusteeship authority, and more direct UN involvement.
However, according to UN observers, the elections were conducted properly and peacefully.
Their primary criticism was the partiality of Hutu mayors. The trusteeship authority's failure to discipline electoral code violators was a significant shortfall.
One American diplomat suggested that observers had to accept the results to avoid social upheaval, including an increase in refugees, deaths, and other casualties.
Yet, this approach effectively invalidated the results. Many voters were reportedly forced to leave their communes on the eve of the elections.
The Consequences of Electoral Violence
The military's report following the August 1961 unrest revealed: 133 Tutsi and 78 Hutu were killed, 130 Tutsi and 100 Hutu were wounded, 2,000 huts were burned, 12,000 people became refugees, 213 Tutsi and 161 Hutu were arrested.
These figures fueled widespread rejection of the election results by political parties and refugees. Loyalists to King Kigeli V demanded new elections under UN supervision.
UNAR's divided response
A faction of UNAR members who remained in the country accepted the election outcomes.
Leaders such as Jean Chrysostome Rwangombwa, Jean Marie Vianney Rutsindintwarane, and Michel Rwagasana signed a document acknowledging the results of the referendum and the legitimacy of the new government.
They expressed a willingness to collaborate with the authorities to achieve the people's aspirations.
This divide within UNAR highlighted the complex dynamics of the time. As the series continues, more details will emerge about the UN's role and the broader implications of these events.