Since President Paul Kagame won the August 25, 2003 elections--Rwanda's first democratic elections after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi--the West has struggled to accept his leadership, with some even wishing he had never become Rwanda's president.
Fortunately, they are not the ones who decide.
This article examines President Kagame's journey from 1990 to today, when he faces accusations of supporting the M23/Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) rebel movement--allegations he has consistently denied.
It also explains why he will emerge victorious in this conflict, which has been wrongly attributed to him.
A history of overcoming adversity
After the M23/AFC seized the provincial capitals of Goma in North Kivu and Bukavu in South Kivu, Rwanda's detractors claimed that the country was isolated and on the brink of collapse. However, those familiar with Kagame's history since 1990 recognize that these accusations are minor compared to the challenges he has overcome.
When the war to liberate Rwanda began, Kagame was undergoing military training in Kansas, United States. He was forced to leave abruptly to replace Fred Gisa Rwigema as the leader of the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA).
Immediately, Western powers, particularly French intelligence, sought to eliminate him before he could reach the battlefield. However, Kagame outmaneuvered them and successfully took command of the RPA, leading it to a historic victory in 1994.
Following the RPA's victory, many--including Western powers--expected Kagame to assume Rwanda's presidency. Instead, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) appointed Pasteur Bizimungu, a cousin of former President Juvénal Habyarimana, as head of state.
Kagame served as Vice President and Minister of Defense, working alongside Bizimungu and a government of national unity to rebuild Rwanda.
Faced with a deeply fractured society, the leadership adopted a policy that became the cornerstone of modern Rwanda. It was built on three fundamental principles:
Unity of Rwandans (Stay Together)
Accountability
Thinking Big
Kagame's first "crime" in the eyes of the West was his unwavering commitment to uniting Rwandans. His efforts to reconcile genocide survivors with former perpetrators won him deep admiration at home but fierce opposition abroad--especially from those who doubted that such unity was possible.
Fighting internal and external sabotage
While Kagame was working toward national unity, internal and external forces attempted to undermine him. Seth Sendashonga, then Minister of the Interior, began criticizing the government and inciting rebellion within the Rwanda Defense Forces.
He eventually fled and formed the Forces de Résistance pour la Démocratie in exile but failed to destabilize Rwanda.
Similarly, Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu and even President Bizimungu prioritized their political ambitions over national unity. When these internal strategies failed, the West tried a new tactic: sending external figures like Ingabire Victoire and Paul Rusesabagina to disrupt Rwanda's stability.
Once again, Kagame's leadership prevailed as Rwandans rejected these divisive forces.
The West's final attempt to undermine Kagame came through judicial means. France and Spain issued indictments against 40 senior Rwandan military officers, accusing them of genocide-related crimes.
The arrests of Rose Kabuye in France and former intelligence chief Lt.Gen. Karenzi Karake in London were meant to discredit Kagame. However, these efforts also failed, and Kagame emerged victorious.
Kagame's strong moral stance on unity has earned him unwavering support in Rwanda, much like Tanzania's founding father, Julius Nyerere. However, his critics, particularly in the West, have sought to portray his alleged support for the M23/AFC as a threat to regional stability.
The reality is that the West fears a united DR Congo. For centuries, external powers have exploited the country's vast resources by fueling ethnic divisions and instability. A peaceful, united DR Congo would jeopardize their economic interests.
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As the M23/AFC continues its advance, the international community recognizes that backing President Tshisekedi will not keep him in power. Despite official denials, many acknowledge the legitimacy of the rebels' grievances.
If the M23/AFC succeeds in capturing Uvira, Kalemie, Walikale, Kisangani, and Kinshasa, Western powers will have no choice but to acknowledge them.
The unfolding endgame
A ceasefire between President Tshisekedi and the M23/AFC is unlikely. As the Kinyarwanda proverb goes, "Isoni zirisha uburozi"--loosely translated as "A person may prefer poison to humiliation."
Tshisekedi would rather face defeat than negotiate with the M23/AFC. In the end, as his adversaries fall, Kagame will once again emerge victorious in a war that was never his to begin with--a conflict thrust upon him by the West, but one fundamentally rooted in the Congolese people's struggle.
