Ethiopia: The Case for Immediate Peace - Why Ethiopia Needs a United Call for Peace Now More Than Ever

editorial

Despite repeated assurances from Ethiopia's political and military elite, the country stands at a critical inflection point. Sporadic conflicts in Oromia and the Amhara regions, and the continued use of military force continue to persist, and the potential unraveling of the Pretoria peace agreement is real. All of them have pushed the country to the edge. As this publication warned in its December 2023 editorial, ending these wars is not a matter of political preference, it is a matter of national survival. Nearly two years later, the question now is not whether peace is necessary, but whether there is enough collective will to demand and build it.

Peace, to be meaningful, must be participatory and just. That means tolerating a space for all political actors - armed or unarmed, popular or unpopular - to speak, negotiate, and be held accountable

Institutions without trust

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Peace is not simply the absence of war; it requires inclusive, functioning institutions that mediate conflict and foster justice. Unfortunately, Ethiopia's institutions have shown little of the integrity or impartiality needed to fulfill this role.The Caucus of Ethiopian Opposition Parties has made clear, in a recent statement, the serious concerns regarding the legitimacy and conduct of two key national bodies: the National Dialogue Commission (NDC) and the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). In the past, this publication argued that the NDC was established through a process that ignored vital contributions and amendments proposed by the opposition which will lead it to operate with exclusionary and partisan intent. Its failure to correct course and redeem its legitimacy in the eyes of all is symptomatic of a deeper malaise: the erosion of trust in its independence.

Meanwhile, the NEBE, responsible for organizing the upcoming general elections, is reportedly preparing for major internal changes, even as political violence, war, and new regional boundaries destabilize the national landscape. Ethiopia's electoral history, with the partial exception of 2005, gives little hope to voters or parties for a genuinely competitive or fair process.

The nation is not the property of a party, a government, or even a historical myth. It is a space of negotiation, imagined and reimagined by all who belong to it

As the Caucus rightly warns, to proceed with elections under current conditions may invite not political resolution but further chaos.These failings underscore a broader national crisis: the entanglement of so-called independent institutions with the ruling party, and the transformation of public mechanisms into conduits of state control. When oversight bodies and civic processes are hollowed out, the state loses its moral legitimacy.

Imagined but fragmented: The crisis of nationhood

Political theorist Benedict Anderson argued that nations are imagined communities - social constructs held together by shared narratives, symbols, and collective memory. Nationhood, in his view, is not a fixed inheritance but an ongoing project of imagination and inclusion. This is especially true in societies where multiple histories, languages, and identities coexist in tension.In Ethiopia, however, the state continues to assert a singular national narrative, branding dissenting voices as threats to "unity." But there is no sustainable unity that excludes.

Calls for peace are not acts of neutrality; in today's Ethiopia, they are acts of patriotism. Ending war is no longer optional, it is the only path forward

Anderson reminds us that the most dangerous illusion is to confuse state authority with national identity. The nation is not the property of a party, a government, or even a historical myth. It is a space of negotiation, imagined and reimagined by all who belong to it. Today's Ethiopia is fragmented not just by war but by a crisis of imagination. What vision binds its people together? What common future can be claimed in a nation where independent dialogue is suppressed, branded as a threat to national security, and elections are feared rather than welcomed?

A civic call to reimagine peace

The call for peace, then, must go beyond the state's performative actions. It must challenge the structural conditions that reproduce exclusion and violence: the subservience of institutions, the militarization of politics, the silencing of civic voices. Peace, to be meaningful, must be participatory and just. That means tolerating a space for all political actors - armed or unarmed, popular or unpopular - to speak, negotiate, and be held accountable. It means recognizing that no group, no party, no movement holds the exclusive right to speak for Ethiopia. We echo the Caucus's warning: "Let us break free from the customary entangling chain and shatter the cycle of subservience." This is not merely a call to reform institutions, it is a call to reawaken civic responsibility. A call to all actors, from voters to civil society, from religious leaders to international partners, to stand with the Ethiopian people in preventing a descent into deeper chaos and disorder.

Silence the guns, reclaim the future

Ethiopia's future cannot be built on the ruins of its present. Every community has suffered. Every child kept from school, every mother who mourns a son, every family displaced by violence is part of this country's unraveling. And yet, each of them also represents the possibility of rebuilding. Calls for peace are not acts of neutrality; in today's Ethiopia, they are acts of patriotism. Ending war is no longer optional, it is the only path forward; it is a national interest. Let us silence the guns. Not in repression, but as the first step toward reconciliation. Let us reclaim Ethiopia as a shared, imagined community, one that belongs to all its people, not a privileged few. Enough.

No more war. Let peace prevail.

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