Addis Abeba — Ethiopia, one of the oldest nations in the world, boasts a rich history that spans over three thousand years. However, the introduction of modern education is a relatively recent development, beginning in the early 20th century. Prior to 1908, the country's educational system was primarily under the control of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which for over 1,600 years focused on training elites for the clergy and related religious functions.
This longstanding tradition began to shift in 1906, when Emperor Menelik II launched a series of reforms marked by the issuance of the first education proclamation. Two years later, Ethiopia's first modern public school--Menelik II School--was established. Influenced heavily by the French educational model, the school represented a significant step toward secular, state-led education. Nevertheless, between its founding and 1935, Menelik II School largely functioned as a language institution rather than a full-fledged school. This limitation was due to resistance from members of the clergy, who feared losing their longstanding dominance over educational and state affairs.
In 1931, Emperor Haile Selassie established the country's first Ministry responsible for overseeing educational affairs--the Ministry of Arts. Following its creation, a relatively significant number of modern schools were constructed and began operating across various provinces, offering instruction primarily in Ge'ez and Amharic. However, access to education remained limited to a select segment of the population--mainly students from elite families or those residing in urban areas. In other words, the education system was urban-centric, and individuals from rural backgrounds or non-elite families were largely excluded. Additionally, proficiency in Ge'ez and Amharic was a fundamental requirement for admission into these modern schools. In addition, there was no standardized curriculum guiding educational instruction until 1941. Instead, schools were expected to fulfill the objectives set forth by the Emperor.
Reforms caught in loop
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One of the most notable efforts undertaken by Emperor Haile Selassie prior to his exile was his emphasis on promoting local languages--albeit limited to the aforementioned ones--and his recognition of indigenous knowledge systems, cultural values, and traditions. However, following his return from exile, a new curriculum influenced by the British education system was introduced. Unfortunately, this new framework largely excluded indigenous knowledge, values, and cultural heritage. In the years that followed, additional curricula were adopted in 1946, 1956, and 1962, yet these too had little or only modest relevance to Ethiopia's unique historical and cultural context.
Following its ascent to power in 1974, the socialist Derg regime discredited the educational initiatives of Emperor Haile Selassie and fully immersed the country's education system in the prevailing ideology of socialism and communism. During this period, the system came under the strong influence of socialist states such as East Germany and the USSR. With guidance from these countries, the Derg introduced a new curriculum aimed at producing students who aligned with the regime's ideological and political objectives, rather than addressing the broader goal of improving the population's socio-economic conditions.
Nonetheless, in comparison to the previous imperial era, some progress was made. Notable achievements included the expansion of schools, the Ethiopianization of the teaching workforce, a significant reduction in the illiteracy rate--from 95% in 1979 to 24.7% by 1990--and an increase in the primary school enrollment rate to 34.1%.
Much like the socialist Derg regime, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) discarded the existing education policy and introduced a new one aligned with its political ideology--namely, the developmental state or revolutionary democracy model. Under the EPRDF, the education system became highly politicized, with every educational initiative viewed through the lens of this ideological framework.
Under the EPRDF, the education system became highly politicized, with every educational initiative viewed through the lens of this ideological framework."
Rather than prioritizing educational quality, the regime focused on producing a large number of college graduates. In line with this approach, the EPRDF introduced the so-called "flood and retain" strategy, aimed at addressing the country's shortage of healthcare professionals. However, the result was a staggering number of unemployed college graduates--numbering in the hundreds of thousands--many of whom were left with deeply diminished morale.
However, it must be acknowledged that the EPRDF brought significant changes to the country's education system. First, ethnic (local) languages were adopted as the medium of instruction in elementary schools. Second, regional states were granted the authority to develop their own curricula, particularly at the elementary level. Third, the education sector was opened to private participation, allowing non-state actors to play a role in educational delivery. Fourth, there was a major expansion of educational infrastructure across the country, including the establishment of numerous higher education institutions. For example, during the EPRDF era, the nation witnessed a significant expansion in higher education, with the number of public universities growing from just two in 1991 to 36 by 2015. Nevertheless, despite these notable reforms, concerns regarding the quality of education and the adequacy of infrastructure in higher learning institutions persisted.
Politics, conflict keep millions out of school
The current ruling party, the Prosperity Party (PP), has inherited from its predecessors the practice of discrediting the policies of former administrations. In 2023, amid widespread criticism of the existing education framework, the government introduced a new education policy aimed at ensuring equitable access to quality education for all Ethiopians.
However, there are concerns that the policy may be heavily influenced by the "Medemer" philosophy--an idea consistently promoted by the Prime Minister as a guiding framework for Africa's collective advancement. However, doubts persist regarding the current administration's commitment to substantial reforms within the education sector. For instance, while several nations, including Ethiopia, committed to allocating at least 4-6% of their GDP to education as stipulated by the United Nations' Education 2030 Framework for Action, the current administration, despite consistently advocating for quality, has regrettably allocated below that stipulated threshold. Moreover, a recent study conducted by Action Aid indicated that over half of school budgets have been reduced in the past five years, resulting in a substantial exodus of personnel from the educational sector.
Another untimely initiative by the current administration concerning education quality is the move to grant autonomy to public universities. In 2023, the Ethiopian government announced a significant shift in the nation's higher education landscape: Addis Ababa University (AAU) was granted autonomous status, marking a return to institutional independence after half a century. This pivotal decision was swiftly followed by the Ministry of Education's declaration of intent to extend autonomy to nine additional government universities.
Undoubtedly, universities require the freedom to design curricula, conduct research, generate revenue, allocate resources, and manage their internal affairs effectively. However, the shift toward autonomy has unfortunately placed the responsibility of generating and securing revenue primarily on the universities themselves, as government financial support continues to diminish.
As a result of the ongoing conflicts, thousands of schools have been either completely or partially damaged, rendering access to basic education--and even more so to quality education--a luxury for many."
As a result, costs such as tuition fees, accommodation, and other expenses are likely to increase, since a significant portion of the revenue is expected to come directly from students. Considering the prevailing economic climate, the timing of this shift towards university autonomy appears to be premature. For example, the autonomy granted to AAU has restricted access for many talented students who are unable to bear the increasing costs of tuition, housing, and other related expenses. Last academic year, the university admitted 5,300 undergraduates--significantly lower than previous intakes, which ranged from 6,000 to 10,000 students. Without the support of student trust funds or loan programs, granting autonomy to public universities risks excluding capable individuals and undermining equitable access to higher education.
In addition, more than nine million students currently remain out of school due to sporadic conflicts in several regions. In Amhara alone, more than 4.5 million students remain out of school, with over 3,600 schools closed across the region, while in Tigray, student enrollment has declined sharply, with only 40% of the 2.4 million eligible students registering for classes at the start of this academic year. Despite this urgent situation, the administration has shown reluctance in facilitating the return of these students to their classrooms. As a result of the ongoing conflicts, thousands of schools have been either completely or partially damaged, rendering access to basic education--and even more so to quality education--a luxury for many.
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Despite the appointment of Professor Berhanu Nega, a figure from the opposition party Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (Ezema), as Minister of Education, the current administration has not succeeded in insulating the educational system from political affiliation. Educational leadership positions, for instance, continue to be predominantly occupied by individuals primarily identified as loyalists and cadres of the ruling party. Similarly, the appointment of school principals often prioritizes loyalty to the political system over professional expertise. This politicization is evident in school management practices, where principals have been known to coerce teachers into making salary deductions to support political party activities, including contributions toward party office buildings. Similarly, political considerations continue to outweigh merit in leadership appointments at public universities, where party-affiliated individuals frequently assume presidential roles.
Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that the current administration has implemented two notable initiatives: stringent anti-cheating measures and the reintroduction of national exit examinations for graduating university students. However, the long-term efficacy of the former remains uncertain, while the latter have, in fact, been a long-standing practice within specific disciplines such as health sciences and law.
The Ethiopian education system is currently characterized by perpetual shifts, with each new political regime imposing its distinct political ideology upon the educational framework. Despite this trend, Professor Berhanu and his colleagues yet retain a critical opportunity to genuinely insulate the educational system from political interference. He, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, ought to establish an impartial system wherein educational and academic institutions can assume a pivotal role in shaping the nation's economic, cultural, and political thought, rather than serving as a mere instrument for the propagation of the ruling party's political ideology. AS
Editor's Note: The author of this commentary, Nardos Abebe (PhD), is a researcher and peer reviewer for scientific journals.
