Adama — A controversial resolution by the Somali Regional State Council to restructure administrative units has triggered grassroots protests in both Somali and Oromia regions and inflamed long-standing tensions along the shared border, particularly affecting the Borana community.
On Saturday 27 July, the Council approved the establishment of 14 new woredas, four zonal administrations, and 25 municipal leadership offices.
Mohammed Adam, Head of the Somali Region's Communication Bureau, told Addis Standard that the changes are "strictly internal" and "do not involve any redrawing of administrative boundaries."
The decision, however, was not only met with grassroots resistance, it also sparked immediate backlash from opposition parties with strong bases in both regions. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) condemned it as "a blatant attempt to claim Oromo land," calling it "a declaration of war" and "an unlawful occupation." It also criticized the Oromia regional government's silence, accusing it of complicity, and warned the federal government against "pitting two regional states against each other" for political gain.
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The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) condemned the move "a blatant attempt to claim Oromo land", stating, "OLF views the Somali regional government's act of declaring ownership over Oromo land, as though it is unclaimed, and deploying its own military force to seize it, as a declaration of war. We consider this an unlawful occupation and a de facto imposition of martial law on the Oromo people," OLF said in a statement.
The OLF also criticized the Oromia regional government for its silence, stating, "your silence and inaction in the face of repeated border incursions and displacement show your complicity. You bear direct responsibility for the violations committed against the Oromo people."
To the federal government, the party condemned its acts of "encouraging dangerous political gambling" by "pitting two regional states against each other for your own strategic objectives," and called on the federal government to take immediate action to de-escalate the tensions.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) has, two days before the decision, accused the Somali regional government of fueling a crisis by "pushing a motion to redraw regional boundaries - creating new zones and districts not based on local needs, but on political calculations aimed at gerrymandering and disempowering entire Somali communities."
The party warned that the move risks plunging the Somali region into renewed conflict and instability, potentially undoing years of hard-won peace efforts.
Similarly, although not directly in reference to the Council's decision, the move also received a strongly worded push back from the armed group Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), which linked the incident with an attempt by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to distract from the growing political and organizational crystallization of the Oromo struggle, developments the group says represent a direct challenge to the regime, which has long relied on a divide-and-rule strategy.
The OLA described the situation in Moyale as the latest iteration of what it called "reactionary inter-communal destabilization" in the Oromo-Somali borderlands.
"To the few Oromo actors who-whether knowingly or unwittingly-are aligning with the regime's destructive agenda: pause and reflect. There is no independent Somali force impeding on our borders. It is all done from 4-kilo and communicated through the state broadcaster. Open your eyes. No Oromo demand will be met with Abiy in power," OLA said.
Filsan Abid, former federal Minister of Women and Youth who is the Founder & Director of Horn Peace Institute, an advocacy group, called it "a dangerous precedent."
Widespread grassroots resistance
However, the widespread resistance came in the form of multiple grassroots protests both in Oromia and Somalia regions.
In the Borana and East Borana zones, notably in towns such as Yabello, Nagelle Borana, and Dillo, of Oromia region, demonstrators accuse the Somali regional government of "territorial expansion" under the guise of administrative restructuring.
Several traditional elders from major clans have spoken up either in writing or issued video statements calling for the total rejection of the recent decree A source from Jigjiga city
There were also multiple protests in the various localities of Somali region over the weekend. A resident of Jigjiga, the capital, who wants to remain anonymous for safety concerns, blamed the decision calling it a "illegal" undertaking aimed at creating "new zonal and city administrations that favor their [the leaderships'] clan fiefdoms and without proper consultations, legal due-process or special study."
Protests have taken place in various cities and towns like Shilaabo, Dhooba-Weyn, Gabagabo, Hargelle, and various other towns in Afder Zone. These protests, and the various traditional elders that have spoken so far have "all called for an immediate reversal of this decision by the regional government," the source further said.
"Several traditional elders from major clans have spoken up either in writing or issued video statements calling for the total rejection of the recent decree," the source wrote, adding that "local authorities remain at a critical crossroads, with concerns mounting over the potential repercussions of these decisions."
Protests in Oromia region have taken place in various cities and towns like Shilaabo, Dhooba-Weyn, Gabagabo, Hargelle, and various other towns in Afder Zone. These protests, and the various traditional elders that have spoken so far have all called for an immediate reversal of this decision by the regional government.
Guyo Jarso, a resident of Moyale, expressed dismay, saying, "This decision is threatening the peace in our town. Now, two regional flags are being hoisted in the same town without a formal agreement. This has only added to existing tensions." He said fears of conflict had already shuttered businesses in Moyale, adding, "We are protesting because this land has historically belonged to us. The government must give the people a clear response before this issue worsens."
The Somali Regional Council claimed the restructuring will improve service delivery and resolve long-standing causes of inter-ethnic and clan-based conflict Mohammed Adam, Head of the Somali Region's Communication Bureau
Liban Jatani, an oral historian, contextualized the dispute by highlighting the Borana people's traditional grazing territories, predating modern Ethiopian and Kenyan boundaries. These lands, he said, were communally managed and remain central to Borana identity and livelihood. Liban identified seven major grazing zones - Golba Dida, Mata Yama, Tulla Saglan, Mana Gomole, Marbe, and Gosa Sadeni Golbo - as core to Borana heritage.
He traced the roots of the current disputes back to 1991, when the TPLF-dominated EPRDF government came to power. "The [regime] began targeting the Borana, accusing them of supporting the OLF, and permitted the Somali Region's flag to be raised in areas traditionally administered by the Borana," Liban said. "From Moyale to Wachile, from Udat to Nagelle, five districts were annexed and placed under the Somali Region, complete with its flag." He argued the new restructuring is an attempt to "legally formalize previous boundary expansions."
The Somali region, however, denies these claims. "The Somali Regional Council claimed the restructuring will improve service delivery and resolve long-standing causes of inter-ethnic and clan-based conflict by replacing the old administrative arrangement," said Mohammed Adam. He added that the plan followed seven years of research.
But according to Liban, such justifications have not quelled local concerns. He alleged that towns like Moyale and Uudat have been renamed and reclassified under Somali region jurisdiction, now referred to as "Laye" and "Gofa." "Despite our appeals to the government to resolve this matter, the deaths and livestock looting continue under the pretext of peace," he said.
Guyo Jarso affirmed this view, stating that the "longstanding border encroachment on Borana land has intensified," fueling the ongoing protests. Liban underscored Moyale's strategic significance as "a commercial gateway connecting Nairobi, Addis Abeba, and Mogadishu," adding that the Somali regional flag was first raised there in 1991 under the regim's watch, an act he views as the beginning of the current tensions.
In contrast, Mohammed maintained that Moyale's status had simply been upgraded from a woreda to a municipality to enhance governance. "No new land has been annexed or added," he said, further asserting that only three areas in the new structure - Moyale and Marmarsa municipalities and a new district near Chinaksen - are adjacent to Oromia.
The timing is inappropriate, especially while the joint Oromia-Somali border commission's work is still pending Haji Godana Kulu, a member of Oromia Regional Council representing Borana
This is an exercise of the Somali Region's right to self-administration, not a move to trigger disputes," Mohammed said, dismissing allegations of encroachment. He argued that the restructuring should not be conflated with broader inter-regional or ethnic tensions.
Yet skepticism is emerging within Oromia's political leadership.
Haji Godana Kulu, a member of the Oromia Regional Council representing Borana, criticized the Somali region's timing. "The timing is inappropriate, especially while the joint Oromia-Somali border commission's work is still pending," he told Addis Standard. While acknowledging the legitimacy of public frustration, he urged communities to await the outcomes of the national dialogue rather than resorting to unrest.
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Mohammed responded by distancing the restructuring from federal processes or border commissions. "The issue has nothing to do with inter-regional brotherhood or border disputes currently under federal review," he said.
Memories of unresolved old wounds
Somali regional officials have not offered a definitive response on whether the three newly created structures fall within Oromia's recognized territory. Meanwhile, residents continue to express frustration at the government's failure to resolve the decades-old boundary dispute. Haji Godana attributed this inaction to the central government's focus on Ethiopia's broader internal conflicts, which have diverted attention from the Somali-Oromia border.
A critical reference point remains the 2004 referendum administered by the National Election Board in over 400 kebeles along the border. While many areas participated, several were left unresolved due to "complex challenges," leaving a legacy of administrative ambiguity and disputed claims.
The border areas between the Somali and Oromia regional states have long been flashpoints for inter-communal violence.
Most recently, in March 2023, clashes erupted between communities in Tulu Guled district of the Somali region and Chinaksan district of Oromia, resulting in the deaths of seven people and serious injuries to 14 others since Tuesday, 14 March. The violence was reportedly triggered after the village of Makanis - formerly part of Tulu Guled in the Fafan zone - was incorporated into the newly established Makanis Oromo district, created following the division of Chinaksan as part of Oromia's administrative restructuring. The clashes spread to the villages of Makanis, Uswayne, and Sandacare, with the injured currently receiving treatment at Jijiga hospital.
Despite the intensifying backlash, the Oromia regional government has yet to issue a formal statement regarding the Somali region's recent restructuring.
