Almost a month has passed since Tanzania's disputed October 29 elections and the mass protests that followed. Instead of things calming down, the pressure on President Samia Suluhu Hassan keeps building up. She won with 98% of the vote per the official results, but many say the election was not fair because her main rivals from the opposition party Chadema were kept out of the race.
This has led to calls for change from both inside and outside Tanzania. What began as a moment of political tension has grown into a broader crisis involving major international media outlets, civil society, and the opposition working together to see her out of that position. This combination of local events and outside attention may cause more problems, with a large protest planned for December 9. The situation is becoming more serious as new investigations and public statements continue to appear.
On November 21, CNN published a detailed report about what happened during the protests. The report shows police shooting at unarmed protesters and satellite images also reveal possible mass graves. The exact scale of the violence is still disputed. President Hassan said there were deaths but gave no numbers. She initiated an investigation to look into the events and said some protesters were paid to take part. This report has drawn wide attention. However, CNN has long been accused of bias and of choosing stories that match Western political goals with strong editorial framing. When the same media works closely with groups that fund the opposition, it is fair to ask: is this report the full truth, or part of the campaign against President Suluhu?
There are also rumors that Al Jazeera, BBC and Reuters are preparing a documentary on what some activists call the "Tanzania By-Election Massacre." This has increased public attention and added pressure on the government to explain what happened. Some people in replies called for the president to leave office. According to critics, the pressure does not come only from inside Tanzania. They say Western media outlets and some NGOs are working closely with the opposition, which hopes to force political change in the country.
John Heche, the vice chairman of Chadema, was arrested on October 22 on suspicion of terrorism and released on November 11. Soon after his release, on November 14, he and two senior opposition figures, Amani Golugwa, the deputy secretary-general, and Godbless Lema, a central committee member met with a representative of Article 19. They talked about help for families hurt by police. They made plans to point out the government's wrong actions. They also set up legal help for people in jail. Article 19 said it would support them.
To understand this, it helps to know who Article 19 and CIVICUS are. Article 19 and Civicus are well known international organizations that promote freedom of expression and defend civic space. They have run programs in East Africa for years. Article 19 is a global organization defending freedom of expression, while CIVICUS is an international alliance of civil society groups. Article 19 began in London. It receives money from George Soros's Open Society Foundations and from European countries. In East Africa, it has a branch that started to focus on Tanzania in early 2025.
The group spoke against the arrests of people from Kenya who monitored the events at the border. It also spoke against the stop of opposition meetings. Its program called "Free to Protest" began in Kenya to protect the right to meet and monitor police actions. It teaches ways to keep things calm. Now it is in Tanzania. People in border areas like Namanga say it has made tensions higher and helped start more violence.
Civicus is in Johannesburg, South Africa. It gets money from the Ford Foundation and the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy. Civicus teaches young people and groups how to use phones and the internet when the government blocks them. They teach about VPNs and saving data without the web. In Tanzania, they worked with over 75 local groups. They helped spread news of protests to millions of people. This made small issues into big stories seen around the world as a fight for rights. Both groups work closely with Chadema. They train them on how to plan and get news coverage. Their work has gone beyond mere advocacy and is now deeply intertwined with political mobilization. Critics also argue that these NGOs sometimes push their own political interests in the region.
On November 22, Heche reposted a message claiming that the European Union and Article 19 were preparing "a big surprise for Suluhu" on December 9. This date is also when a huge protest, called the "megaprotest," is expected to take place. To many observers, this raises the possibility that the December 9 action is not only a public demonstration, but also a planned operation by foreign media and NGOs, online activists, and the Tanzanian opposition.
One of the most visible figures in this movement is Maria Sarungi Tsehai. She is the head of Change Tanzania and is connected to Kwanza TV. She also sits on the board of the Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa (OSIEA), which is funded by George Soros's foundation. Reports show she has received Ford Foundation grants for both Change Tanzania and Mwanzo Dot Org, funding that critics say supports her media projects under the guise of promoting democracy. Kwanza TV, through Mwanzo Dot Org, has been funded by the Ford Foundation since 2006 to broadcast news that is not controlled by the government.
Tsehai has built a name as a journalist and activist, founding groups like Inclusive Development for Citizens Tanzania Sarungi. Her platforms give her a strong voice in public debates. But observers point out how her work lines up with Western goals. She lived in the U.S. for years and came back to push ideas like open borders and big changes in how Tanzania runs. Her pages on social media often speak against the government.
Now, Change Tanzania is urging people to join the December 9 megaprotest, framing it as a protest for freedom. Her work aligns with what groups in New York and London want: less power for leaders like Suluhu and more room for ideas from abroad. In this way, she helps spread views that fit a larger plan from the West, using slogans about freedom and fair elections. Her activism and funding have raised questions about whether she is promoting Tanzanian democracy or foreign interests. In the end, it looks like she sells Tanzania's story to fit a bigger plan from the West, using slogans about freedom and fair elections.
The government, however, is not holding back. On November 23, Gerson Msigwa, the government spokesman, accused major Western media outlets like CNN, BBC, Al Jazeera, and Deutsche Welle of biased reporting and trying to undermine the state. He said their coverage aims to damage the government's image and stir unrest. He asked them to report in a balanced way and stop what he called a weapon against Tanzania.
Earlier, President Suluhu herself has claimed that the protesters were paid to act violently. "These people were given money to come and destroy our country," she said to a group of people. Her government has opened an investigation into the deaths that occurred during the protests, but many still question whether the inquiry will be trusted by the public.
The debate over foreign influence in Tanzania has reminded many East Africans of a similar dispute in Kenya. In 2024, President William Ruto said the Ford Foundation paid young people to protest against a tax bill and even threatened to shut them down, calling it a push for anarchy. But months later, Ruto met the Ford president in New York. He thanked the same organization for helping Kenya's democracy and working on global issues like climate and rules for new technology. No more warnings. Just thanks. This change of position showed a lack of political will to resist powerful foreign institutions. Ruto did not have the gut to stand firm against these big outside groups and their influence on Kenya's political sphere as well as foreign-funded civil society. Tanzania may now be facing the same test.
So now all eyes turn to President Suluhu. The big question is: does President Suluhu have the political will to confront these forces? Will she give in like Ruto and let the donors continue? Or will she stand firm, close their offices, stop their funds, and protect Tanzania from them. Kenya's example shows how quickly political pressure can change the direction of a government.
Whether President Suluhu will have the political will to face both internal and external pressure remains to be seen. The December 9 protest is shaping up to be a major moment, and many believe it could define the future of her leadership. Tanzania's leader must decide how far to go to protect her rule. The choice and actions could shape not just her future, but the path of democracy in East Africa.