Tunis — March 20, 1956 was not an ordinary date, but a decisive milestone in Tunisia's contemporary history. On that day, after 75 years of French colonial domination, Tunisia broke with a past of subjugation, following the signing in Paris of the independence protocol.
France then officially recognised Tunisia's full sovereignty over its entire territory, occupied since May 12, 1881, the date of the signing of the Treaty of Bardo establishing the protectorate regime.
The celebration of the 70th anniversary of independence, commemorated on Friday, March 20, 2026, invites reflection on a long process of struggle, marked by decisive stages, complex political dynamics and a succession of major events preceding the attainment of sovereignty.
It also offers an opportunity to draw, across generations, from this national epic, while examining the singularity of the Tunisian approach, which alternated between gradual negotiations and popular resistance. Finally, this commemoration constitutes a privileged moment to take stock of seven decades of building the modern state.
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The beginnings of resistance
Professor of history at the Faculty of Arts and Human Sciences of Sfax Imed Jerbi stated: "Tunisians never accepted the colonial presence". "From the arrival of French troops in April 1881, resistance was organised without delay".
In a statement to TAP, the academic cited in particular the Battle of Beni Bechir, launched on April 30, 1881, in the north-west of the country, as well as the resistance of the "Neffet", "Jlass", "Hemama" and "Frachich" tribes, in addition to that of villages in the Sahel, adding that they had been all significant episodes, testifying to an early and resolute rejection of the occupation.
Despite the resistance and bravery of these tribes and several setbacks inflicted on French forces, the latter's military superiority had eventually reversed the balance of power, prompting Tunisians to adapt their "combat tactics" accordingly.
From cultural activism to the assertion of political struggle
Following the repression of the armed tribal revolt, France imposed on the Bey the signing, on June 8, 1883, of the "Convention of La Marsa", granting it total control over administration, finances and justice. Tunisia then shifted from protectorate status to that of a de facto colony, thereby losing its full sovereignty.
In response, Tunisian elites had opted for "cultural struggle" by multiplying associative initiatives, such as "La Khaldounia" and engaged newspapers such as "El-Hadhira". This dynamic had led on February 7, 1907, to the creation of the "Young Tunisians Movement", the first organised national structure, driven by a reformist elite, graduates of Sadiki College and led by Ali Bach Hamba.
This cultural activism, the academic pointed out, contributed to the emergence of a political consciousness, giving rise in the 1920s to reformist demands championed by syndicalist and political figures such as Mohamed Ali Hammi and Abdelaziz Thâalbi, founder of the Destour Party.
The creation of this party had been a decisive turning point in the national struggle, fostering a combination of reformist culture and modern political thought. It had notably paved the way for the Ksar Hellal congress, organised on March 2, 1934, at which the Neo-Destour was launched under the leadership of Habib Bourguiba, while giving new impetus to the national trade union movement, with the creation of the General Confederation of Tunisian Workers in 1937, at the initiative of Belgacem Guenaoui.
This succession of events had given rise to major demands: a Tunisian parliament and a national government, and led to the events of April 9, 1938, repressed in bloodshed. A date commemorated today in homage to the martyrs of the nation.
For reference, 22 Tunisians were killed and more than 150 injured in anti-colonial demonstrations during these events.
Jerbi underlined that this period had particularly enabled the closing of ranks between political parties and national organisations, including the General Union of Tunisian Workers, all convinced of the imperative of total independence, expressed during the "Night of Destiny" congress, held on August 23, 1946, corresponding to 26 Ramadan in the year 1365 AH.
Internationalisation of the Tunisian cause
The academic emphasises that "the international dimension played a decisive role in the outcome of the struggle" for national liberation. The Tunisian cause found support within the Arab League and the United Nations. In November 1952, it was inscribed, as the first independence cause of an Arab state, on the agenda of the UN General Assembly, following an official complaint lodged by the Tunisian government against France.
This historic breakthrough had occurred in a context of tensions, characterised by a multiplication of arrests of activists and the launch, on January 18, 1952, of an armed struggle led by resistance groups, the "fellaghas", mobilised in several regions of the country.
Divisions and tensions on the eve of independence
Approaching independence, the national movement witnessed a "phase of fracture", notably after the signing, on June 3, 1955, in Paris, of the internal autonomy agreements by the government of Tahar Ben Ammar.
Although decisive, these agreements provoked a split within the Neo-Destour between supporters, led by Habib Bourguiba, and opponents, led by Salah Ben Youssef. The latter considered the Paris agreements "insufficient", thereby triggering a profound crisis within the party.
Despite these tensions, the negotiations conducted paved the way for the agreement on total independence, signed on March 20, 1956, and the abolition of the protectorate established in 1881, thus ending 75 years of colonisation.
Independence Day, a symbol of national cohesion
For many observers, national celebrations constitute high points of convergence in a political landscape often fragmented.
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Sociologist Zied Ben Mohamed considered that Independence Day represents "a symbolic space" within which trust is built among the vital forces of society, while acting as a "vector of social integration and collective belonging".
"Strong nations are those that respect their reference dates", such as Independence Day or Republic Day; foundations of a solid collective memory and developed civic sense facing any narrow tribal tendency, he said.
He calls on archival institutions and the Higher Institute of the History of the National Movement to publish their research, notably via digital platforms, to enable all Tunisians to access equitably the history of the national movement, combining armed struggle and political negotiations.
The sociologist criticised an academic approach deemed "too centred on political action", to the detriment of figures of armed resistance, such as Tahar Lassoued, eminent leader of the fellagas, or activist "Khadhra", a fellagha from Gabès who had participated in the armed resistance. These two figures of the national liberation struggle have not benefited sufficiently from academic interest, he regretted.
He called for granting all nationalist activists the same academic interest so that the history of independence does not become a narrative written solely by the victors.
English by Ben Dhaou Nejiba
