More secretive deals to accept deported third-country migrants from the US degrade democracy and don't serve African countries.
Throughout 2026 there have been reports, almost exclusively initiated by journalists and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), of third-country migrant deportations from the United States (US) to African countries.
On 18 April, 15 people from South American countries arrived in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), after being deported from the US. They learnt of their destination just 24 hours before departure and were shackled throughout the 27-hour journey. The DRC government is pressuring them to return to their home countries. A US judge has since ordered officials to return one woman, saying she was likely deported illegally.
The US has shifted from promoting democracy and aligning with the rules-based order to using heavy-handed diplomacy in its global interactions. This includes threats, leveraging economic and military power, and aid dependency to pressure African countries into accepting third-country deportations.
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Many African states have entered into agreements to avoid tariffs or visa restrictions, or to receive funding or security. Checks and balances surrounding these deals are gone. The details are not subject to public scrutiny, making it difficult for citizens to hold their governments to account and, in the process, degrading democracy.
The 18 April deportation was the first of an undisclosed number of people the US plans to expel to the DRC as part of a migration cooperation deal. The Congolese government says the plan aligns with its commitment to protect migrants' rights and international solidarity.
In December 2025, the two countries signed an agreement giving the US preferred access to the DRC's cobalt, tantalum, lithium and copper. The DRC has the world's biggest cobalt deposit and large reserves of other critical minerals sought by the US. China currently controls roughly 80% of the DRC's mineral wealth.
In April 2026, the US also deported 12 people to Uganda, the first flight under an August 2025 third-country agreement. Ugandan legal groups have called the deportations 'an undignified, harrowing and dehumanising process' and intend to challenge their legality in court.
US government official Yasmeen Hibrawi said the deal complied with Ugandan law and that she would not 'discuss the details of our private diplomatic communications.' Uganda's foreign ministry says a US judge approved the deportations on the grounds that America had designated Uganda as a safe third country for migrants who could not return to their home countries.
In January and February, the US deported 17 'unremovable' people to Cameroon - including asylum seekers and stateless persons from nine African countries. They were detained and reportedly threatened by Cameroon with removal to their origin countries, despite US court orders preventing this.
A journalist was beaten by police, and four journalists and a lawyer were arrested trying to access the detainees at a state-run facility in Yaoundé. Police confiscated their phones, cameras and laptops, saying they had captured sensitive government information.
Cameroon's constitution protects a free press; however, it ranks 133rd out of 180 countries in press freedom and has a track record of jailing journalists who report on corruption. The country has not issued a statement or response, and the US refused to provide details.
Since President Donald Trump's second term, the US has made similar arrangements with Burundi, Cabo Verde, Central African Republic, Liberia, Libya, Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Eswatini. It reportedly tried to engage Liberia, Senegal, Mauritania, Gabon and Guinea-Bissau.
Burkina Faso's military government has rejected repeated offers to accept deportees. Foreign Affairs Minister Karamoko Jean Marie Traoré called the US decision to pause issuing visas from its embassy 'blackmail.' Nigeria also refused to accept US deportees, saying it had 'enough problems' and that visa restrictions and tariff threats were 'not reciprocal but a pressure tactic.'
A February US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report claims that 'urging or coercing' nations to accept deportations has become routine. It says the country is using financial payments or pressure through a 'web of bilateral arrangements' to convince governments to accept people with no connection to the receiving country. The report says that up until January, third-country deportations of around 300 people had likely cost US taxpayers over US$40 million.
The costs to transparency and democracy are even steeper. Details surrounding these deals are unavailable to the public - even to the US Congress, says the report. They typically involve money and concessions but are not subject to oversight.
The report questions whether side deals or sweeteners accompany official agreements. It says the State Department is not monitoring how funds are spent or what happens to migrants after deportation. US officials are sometimes instructed not to follow up.
Accepting non-national deportees is not in Africa's interests and is unpopular with citizens. In October 2025, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights criticised the externalisation of migration governance and the extra-regional transfer of migrants. The commission condemned the making of such agreements, called for transparency and urged countries to avoid policies that turn Africa into a 'drop-off zone' and degrade international law.
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African governments signing up to secretive deportation deals are setting precedents that erode the rule of law and transparency required for their own democracies and protections - all to serve a US political agenda.
The African Union and its member states should adopt a common position requiring full public disclosure of third-country deportations. Countries on the continent should consider requiring parliamentary approval and public disclosures.
The public and policymakers should support NGOs and journalists in documenting and advocating for freedom of information, making it harder for secret deals to be sustained. Civil society groups and governments should consider litigation in domestic courts and possibly the International Court of Justice, to uphold migration, asylum and human rights laws and ensure public accountability.
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Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo, Senior Research Consultant, Migration, ISS
