Addis Abeba — In recent weeks, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and its ally, the Tigray Peace Force (TPF), have regained control of most major cities in Tigray, including the regional capital Mekelle, following the withdrawal of forces loyal to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) faction led by Debretsion Gebremichael from key urban strongholds.
The developments have prompted numerous articles and media discussions on Tigray's political future, which is a welcome change. However, I am concerned that much of the debate remains narrowly focused on Tigray's immediate future or the distribution of political power within the regional administration and the mechanisms for determining it. At best, the discussion extends to addressing the region's internal political divisions and power dynamics, as well as restoring relations with the federal government.
What remains largely absent from the discourse, however, is a credible alternative political vision for Tigray in the post-TPLF era, particularly one that addresses the often ambiguous relationship between Tigrawaynet (Tigrayan identity) and Ethiopian identity.
I acknowledge and respect the views of individuals and political groups who strongly advocate for an independent Tigray. However, I believe this position neither represents the majority view nor offers a viable path forward. I therefore want to put forward a compelling alternative that I believe most Tegaru can support and that could pave the way for a stable, peaceful, secure, and prosperous future.
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Beyond ethnic divisions
Ethiopia's long history has been shaped by many peoples and cultures. Among them, Tigray holds a special place as one of Ethiopia's oldest centers of civilization, statehood, religion, literacy, and cultural heritage. Hence, the brand ETHIOPIA and Ethiopian identity are neither foreign to Tegaru psychology nor an imposition. Ethiopia's challenge today is not whether citizens should choose between ethnic identity and Ethiopian identity, but how these identities can coexist and strengthen one another.
A sustainable future requires moving beyond political divisions and embracing a shared national vision that respects diversity while reinforcing unity.
For many Ethiopians, the debate between ethnic federalism and Ethiopian nationalism has become one of the central political questions of the past three decades. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), established and led for many years by the TPLF, helped introduce a system of ethnic-based federalism that recognizes ethnolinguistic communities as the foundation of political organization. While this approach sought to address historical grievances and ensure self-rule for different groups, many argue it also contributed to political polarization, ethnic competition, and the weakening of a common national identity.
A constructive revision of this ideology does not require rejecting ethnic identities or cultural rights. Instead, it calls for recognizing that ethnic identity and Ethiopian identity are complementary rather than competing loyalties. Citizens can proudly be Tigrayan, Oromo, Amhara, Somali, Afar, Sidama, or members of any other community while also embracing a shared Ethiopian identity that transcends regional and ethnic boundaries. Furthermore, it is essential to break Ethiopia's cycle of perceived cultural dominance and incumbent ethno-critical elitism that gives rise to an illusion of incumbent ownership of the Ethiopian identity and the brand ETHIOPIA.
On the other hand, the idea of dismantling ethnic-based federalism and replacing it with an exclusively geographic administrative framework lacks the insight to address the multiple and complementary identities. Any framework must address the perceived reality of imagined communities of cultural, ethnic, linguistic, historic, and other identities and give a semblance of self-governance while complementing the grand imagined political community of the Ethiopian nation. Ignoring these facts will only perpetuate destruction and chaos, similar to the extreme opposite view of overstretched ethno-linguistic nationalism that led us to the country's current state.
The destructive war in Tigray and northern Ethiopia in general demonstrated the dangers of political narratives that emphasize division over common citizenship. The international community acknowledges that ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes, and other atrocities have been committed in Tigray and war crimes and other atrocities in parts of Amhara and Afar. Justice seems delayed, unfortunately, and all Ethiopians, especially in the diaspora, should work to advance justice and accountability. It should also include atrocities committed elsewhere in Ethiopia, such as in Amhara, Oromia, Benishangul-Gumuz, and other regions.
Ethnic identity and Ethiopian identity are complementary rather than competing loyalties."
To move forward, however, healing requires honest reflection from all sides. For supporters of ethnic federalism, it may mean reassessing aspects of the system that have encouraged ethnic competition and weakened national cohesion. For advocates of Ethiopian nationalism, it requires recognizing the legitimacy of cultural identities and historical grievances that gave rise to demands for regional autonomy.
In this context, Tigray and Tegaru can play an important role in rebuilding national unity. Filling the gap for honest, authentic representation of a section of the people with sensible, civic-based nation-building but lacking a formidable organization. Furthermore, such a movement can be used as an alternative political basis for Tigray's future.
Utilizing Tigray's unique position as leverage
Tigray's historical legacy is deeply intertwined with Ethiopia's story. The ancient Kingdom of Aksum, located primarily in present-day Tigray, laid the foundations of one of Africa's greatest civilizations. It was a center of trade, governance, Christianity, and written culture. The historical heritage of Aksum, Yeha, Debre Damo, and numerous ancient churches and monasteries forms an inseparable part of Ethiopia's national identity.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo tradition, which has profoundly shaped Ethiopian culture, owes much of its early development to institutions located in Tigray. Al-Nejashi stands as the symbol for the historic gateway through which Islam first entered Ethiopia, offering refuge to the earliest Muslim migrants from Arabia. These sites are not merely regional treasures but national symbols belonging to all Ethiopians. Preserving and recognizing them strengthens the historical bonds connecting Ethiopians across ethnic and regional lines. These facts seem counterintuitive to the TPLF's ideology or its practical culture. This can be used as leverage to appeal to other Ethiopians in playing its role in Ethiopian unity.
Recognizing Tigray as a foundational center of Ethiopian civilization should not be interpreted as diminishing the contributions of other regions and peoples. Rather, it acknowledges historical reality while promoting an inclusive understanding of Ethiopian identity. Ethiopia's strength has always come from the interaction of its diverse cultures, languages, and traditions. Every region/part of Ethiopia has contributed to the country's development, and national unity can only flourish when all communities feel respected and represented.
Unity without uniformity
This framework offers a viable foundation for Tigray's political future and presents a constructive path toward resolving the present challenges confronting both Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole. Tegaru can advocate for a renewed Ethiopianism anchored in civic values, inclusivity, and democratic principles, a vision that honors Ethiopia's collective heritage while fully respecting its rich diversity.
Crucially, this approach does not necessitate discarding federalism; rather, it calls for structural reform to guarantee that regional self-governance operates in tandem with robust national institutions, equal citizenship, and a unified sense of belonging. Guided by this perspective, the following reforms are put forward as strategic positions that Tigray and the Tegaru community can champion, positions that carry the potential to build broad consensus among the wider Ethiopian public.
Proposed reforms for inclusive, united federal Ethiopia
To strengthen both regional autonomy and national cohesion, Ethiopia could consider several institutional reforms that encourage cooperation, shared ownership of the state, and balanced development:
- Decentralization of Federal Institutions
Distribute federal ministries and agencies across multiple regional capitals rather than concentrating them in Addis Ababa. Establish specialized national centers in different regions, such as Politics and Governance; Culture and Heritage; Science, Technology, and Innovation; Agriculture and Food Security; Defense and Military Affairs; Finance and Economy; Infrastructure and Transportation; Justice and Constitutional Affairs; Education and Research; and so on. Such a model would promote balanced national development, increase regional participation in federal governance, and foster a stronger sense of shared ownership of the Ethiopian state. Historically, the main argument for decentralization was inconvenience. With advances in digitalization and the potential of digital transformation, such as the FDRE MESOB service center, that argument no longer holds. Decentralization is feasible.
2. Cross-Regional Cooperation and Integrated Development
Encourage joint projects and infrastructure development between regions, zones, woredas, cities, and towns. For example, Axum, Lalibela, Gonder, and Harar could pursue a joint project focused on cultural preservation and promotion, integrating infrastructure to create a shared cultural tourist destination.
Tigray's future is inseparable from Ethiopia's peace, stability, and prosperity."
Development partnerships should be based on shared economic interests, cultural connections, geographic proximity, environmental conditions, common river basins, transportation corridors, climate patterns, and similar ways of life. National infrastructure, trade corridors, industrial parks, tourism networks, and educational institutions should be designed to connect communities across regional boundaries rather than reinforce separation.
3. Minority Representation and Local Self-Governance
Ensure fair political representation and cultural protection for minorities within every region. Strengthen local self-governance at the kebele, woreda, and city levels, allowing communities greater control over local affairs while remaining integrated within the federal constitutional framework. Promote inclusive regional administrations that reflect the diversity of the populations living within each region. In this regard, a properly conducted census is essential.
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4. A Multilingual Federal System
As the current government has already officially adopted, multiple federal working languages reflect Ethiopia's diverse society and strengthen equal citizenship. An additional option is English as an alternative, purpose-restricted working language, serving as a lingua franca in international relations and some local contexts. Each region could adopt at least three working languages: The primary regional language, Amharic, and English (as a secondary lingua franca). Additional languages could be included according to regional needs. For example, the Amhara Region may use Amharic and Afaan Oromo as working languages in administration, education, and public services, with English as a secondary lingua franca in restricted contexts. A multilingual approach would improve communication, mobility, economic integration, and mutual understanding among Ethiopians.
Conclusion
These reforms seek to build a federal system that preserves Ethiopia's rich cultural diversity while strengthening a common national identity. The goal is not to diminish regional identities but to create institutions that encourage cooperation, equal citizenship, national solidarity, and shared prosperity for all Ethiopians.
Achieving this is not easy, but it is worth pursuing, and we should make it a rallying idea. Tegaru are uniquely positioned to contribute to this reconciliation. By embracing both their proud regional heritage and their historic role in the Ethiopian story, they can help bridge divisions and promote a more inclusive national identity. Tigray's legacy is not separate from Ethiopia; it is one of the pillars on which Ethiopia was built. Likewise, Tigray's future is inseparable from Ethiopia's peace, stability, and prosperity.
I want to reiterate that the path forward lies not in choosing between Tigrayan identity and Ethiopian identity, but in recognizing that both can coexist. A strong Ethiopia can accommodate vibrant ethnic cultures while maintaining a shared national purpose. By reaffirming the indivisible place of Tigray's historical, cultural, and religious heritage within Ethiopian civilization, which belongs to all Ethiopians, we can move toward a future based on mutual respect, reconciliation, and unity. AS
Editor's Note: The author holds an MSc in Electrical Engineering and currently works as a researcher in Germany. For personal and professional privacy, he publishes under the pen name Eng. Mekele Memru. He can be reached at habu.tamu1@gmail.com
